http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=2010\11\02\story_2-11-2010_pg3_2

Tuesday, November 02, 2010

VIEW: Human rights, Islam and cultural argumentation -Ishtiaq Ahmed

 



A distinction must be made between making an argument for universal, 
non-discriminatory and inclusive human rights with the help of some Islamic 
moral and ethical principles and, on the other hand, creating an argument for 
an Islamic package of human rights which, despite all the rhetoric about 
universalism, remain culturally limited

Ahmed Ali Khalid's op-ed, 'Revisiting Islam and human rights' (Daily Times, 
October 13, 2010), is a very welcome contribution to the debate on the 
relationship between Islam and human rights. He asserts that in highly 
religious societies such as Pakistan, secular humanism and rationalism on which 
the current package of universal human rights is based lacks proper anchorage. 
Therefore, one needs to finds a basis for them within an Islamic cultural 
framework. 

He proposes a revival of the Mu'tazilite standpoint to justify human rights. I 
think this is an interesting proposition. Students of classic Islamic history 
would recall that the era of conquest and expansion of the Umayyad caliphate 
(661-750 AD) was superseded by a period of consolidation under the early 
Abbasids (roughly 750-900). During their heyday, culture and science 
flourished. The court of Abbasid caliphs was studded with a galaxy of original 
thinkers, and the atmosphere was enlightened and tolerant. As a result, 
different schools of thought could debate with considerable freedom perennial 
theological and philosophical questions about the nature of God, revelation, 
reason, free will and so on. 

The Asharites represented the literalist tradition, which upheld an 
anthropomorphist conception of God, suggesting that nothing happened in this 
world without His knowledge and approval, and things were good or bad because 
God had said so and not because they could be evaluated on some rational basis. 
In sharp contrast, the Mu'tazila presented the natural law school that assumed 
that the moral value of an act could be determined through the exercise of 
independent human reason. Such an approach affirmed the moral value of all 
human beings and their ability, regardless of faith, to comprehend basic values 
of right and wrong. 

In the longer run, the Asharite school prevailed and the Mu'tazila were 
sidelined. After the sacking of Baghdad by the Mongols in 1258, advocates of 
free will and universal human reason were in short supply. Neo-Asharites, 
ranging from traditional Muslims to the fundamentalists, came to dominate 
Muslim societies. In the contemporary period too, neo-Asharite mode of thinking 
prevails in both Sunni and Shia societies, though the original elements that 
constituted the Asharite and Mu'tazilite standpoints are forgotten. The heroic 
efforts of the indefatigable Dr Riffat Hassan and of Dr Javed Iqbal, besides 
the Islamic Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1981), are cases in point of 
the neo-Asharite thinking and argumentation. 

I have no problem in endorsing the project that Mr Khalid has in mind. There 
is, however, a trap that one must avoid even with a neo-Mu'tazila approach. A 
distinction must be made between making an argument for universal, 
non-discriminatory and inclusive human rights with the help of some Islamic 
moral and ethical principles and, on the other hand, creating an argument for 
an Islamic package of human rights which, despite all the rhetoric about 
universalism, remain culturally limited. 

Certain axioms underpin the contemporary theory of human rights. First, human 
rights are universal. It means that each and every individual, regardless of 
ethnicity, race, gender, sexuality, age, religion, political conviction or type 
of government, can claim them. Second, human rights are incontrovertible. It 
means that they are absolute and intrinsic to human nature. Third, human rights 
are subjective. It means that individuals possess them because of their 
capacity for rationality, agency and autonomy. In short, human rights are human 
rights precisely because they are prior to culture or geography or history. 

On the other hand, the recognition of human rights as inalienable legal claims 
had to wait till our own times because the opposition that could be mustered 
against them in the name of race, religion, caste, sect, gender, sexuality and 
so on, had to demolished intellectually and morally. That task was completed in 
the 20th century, and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) (1948) 
and subsequent treaties and conventions represent that universal consciousness. 
The tragedy is that even when such a consensus was achieved, human rights were 
politicised during the Cold War. In the post-Cold War period, calls for Hindu, 
Buddhist, Asian and most loudly Islamic human rights have been heard. These 
culturally relativistic positions on human rights are mostly formulated to 
oppose the UDHR.

It is a misunderstanding that human rights are simply a derivative of western 
civilisation. If that were true, the world would not have witnessed the wars of 
religion, persecution of minority sects, and atypical ethnic and racial groups, 
the two world wars, Nazism and fascism and the Holocaust that emerged within 
that civilisation. On the other hand, a connection between cosmopolitan ideas 
and movements from the ancient period, the development of liberal and socialist 
thought in the modern period and the overall advances in democratic government 
within western civilisation have most certainly contributed to the evolution of 
universal human rights.

In all civilizations, there are forces that represent tribalism and forces that 
represent humanism. Orthodox Hinduism with its fixed caste hierarchy represents 
the tribal exclusiveness of the Indo-European tribes that conquered the Indian 
subcontinent and subjugated the indigenous peoples of this region. The caste 
system embodies that tribalism. On the other hand, the Bhakti movement and 
other anti-caste cults that evolved in our region represent universalism and 
humanism. Similarly, within the Islamic civilization, the Mu'tazila and the 
rebel Sufis represent humanism and universalism. Mainstream Sunnism and Shiaism 
are expressions of tribalism and exclusivity. 

Keeping these things in mind, one can indeed invoke Mu'tazila and Sufi 
arguments to justify universal, non-discriminatory human rights. There is 
already a very rich heritage available in the Punjabi, Seraiki and Sindhi Sufi 
literatures, which can be invoked to develop an argument for Muslims to live in 
peace with others, believers and non-believers, as long as they obey the law, 
pay the taxes and render their duties as required by the law. 

In other words, it would be a truly creative contribution if a set of arguments 
can be derived from within Islam to justify the current package of universal 
human rights. Neo-Mu'tazila and Sufi arguments will have to be updated in the 
light of the overall advances in our knowledge about human beings, the nature 
of modern economies and the dynamics of contemporary politics. On the other 
hand, to propose an alternative, culturally specific Islamic package of human 
rights would defeat the philosophy and purpose underlying human rights.

The writer is a Professor Emeritus of Political Science, Stockholm University. 
He is also Honorary Senior Fellow of the Institute of South Asian Studies, 
National University of Singapore. He can be reached at [email protected]




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