http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/2011/1037/sc61.htm

 3 - 9 March 2011
Issue No. 1037
Published in Cairo by AL-AHRAM established in 1875

Learning from others' mistakes
There is a Russian proverb: only a fool learns from his own mistakes. As 
Georgia's foreign minister visits his Egyptian counterpart, there are lessons 
for Egypt in the colour revolutions of eastern Europe and the ex-Soviet Union, 
notes Eric Walberg 

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       Click to view caption 
      Students shout slogans as they demand the reopening of schools during a 
demonstration at Tahrir Square 
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Central to Egypt's revolution was a tiny group of Serbian activists Otpor 
(resistance), who adapted nonviolent tactics in the late 1990s and successfully 
forced Serbian president Slobodan Milosevic to resign in 2000. Egyptian youth 
in the 6 April Youth Movement even adopted their clenched fist symbol, bringing 
Otpor once again into world headlines and TV screens. 

It was the 2008 strike in Mahalla Al-Kubra to protest against high food prices 
and low wages that brought about this unforeseen Serbian-Egyptian alliance. A 
group of tech-savvy young Cairenes decided to start a Facebook group to 
organise solidarity actions around the country, attracting a surprising 70,000 
supporters. The results of the strike were mixed, with police attacking 
strikers and killing two demonstrators, and solidarity protests quickly 
dispersed.

Determined to build on their networking success, writes Tina Rosenberg in 
Foreign Policy magazine, Mohamed Adel, a 20-year-old blogger and 6 April 
activist, went to Belgrade in 2009 and took a week-long course in the 
strategies of nonviolent revolution with Otpor veterans, who had established 
the Centre for Applied Non- Violent Action and Strategies (CANVAS) in 2003 for 
just such activists. He learned how to translate "Internetworking" into street 
protests, and passed on his skills to others in the 6 April Youth Movement and 
Kifaya (Enough). 

The rest is history. A relatively peaceful overthrow of the Egyptian regime has 
made Egyptian youth the darlings of the world -- Egyptian-American scientist 
Farouk El-Baz even suggested they be nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize.

The nonviolent revolutionary tactics made famous by Otpor and used to such 
remarkable success by Egyptians are an outgrowth of soft power strategies 
developed most famously by Mohandas Gandhi in the anticolonial struggle in the 
1920-30s, and also by the US government during the Cold War to undermine the 
socialist bloc; in both cases, where direct military action against the enemy 
was not feasible. 

Most directly relevant in the case of Otpor is Reagan's National Endowment for 
Democracy (NED, 1983), which was instrumental in bringing about the collapse of 
the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, funding all opposition groups left and 
right intent on undermining the socialist regimes. Warren Christopher, 
president Bill Clinton's first secretary of state, argued, "By enlisting 
international and regional institutions in the work, the US can leverage our 
own limited resources and avoid the appearance of trying to dominate others." 
NED's first president, Allen Weinstein, admitted that "a lot of what we do 
today was done covertly 25 years ago by the CIA." 

The socialist bloc collapsed just as the Internet was taking off in the early 
1990s. The tactics work well in soft dictatorships which are open to Western 
penetration, and Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev's glasnost (openness) and 
perestroika (restructuring) were the vehicles for introducing them in East 
Europe and the Soviet Union, as the degree of repression by the state had eased 
from the days of Cold War paranoia.

The techniques involved continued to be honed through the 1990s by Gene Sharp ( 
From Dictatorship to Democracy, 1993) dubbed oxymoronically "the Clausewitz of 
nonviolence", and Robert Helvey, a former US Army colonel and defense attaché 
at the US Embassy in Burma in the 1980s. Given economic stagnation (hardly 
unique to dictatorships), using a combination of defiance and ridicule of an 
aging autocratic regime, and seduction of a large, poorly paid, young army and 
police security apparatus, the young revolutionaries are able to mobilise mass 
support for change and convince the security apparatus to step aside. 

Though the details are slightly different, a scenario similar to events in 
Cairo in 2011 took place throughout Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union in 
1989-91. In the latter case, Boris Yeltsin's charisma pushing the military to 
his side after the putsch in August 1991, bringing an end to Communist Party 
hegemony.

The collapse of Yugoslavia was more traumatic. It had also been blessed by a 
charismatic leader Josip Tito who had used his monopoly on political power to 
build a prosperous, relatively open socialist society. However, the pressures 
for disintegration built after its socialist neighbours had collapsed. Financed 
by the US and Germany, power-hungry ethnic leaders declared independence and 
civil war ensued, with the Serbian heartland under Milosevic trying desperately 
to hold together what had been a peaceful and popular union. By 1999, the 
writing was on the wall -- with the West sanctioning, bombing and otherwise 
subverting the rump Yugoslavia, a restless people turned against an aging 
dictator, with a media-savvy core of activists the catalyst.

As did all opposition groups in the former Yugoslavia, Otpor took money from 
NED, though it denied it at the time, disillusioning many Otpor members who 
quit after helping to overthrow Milosevic, "feeling betrayed" according to 
Rosenberg. CANVAS participates in workshops financed by the Organisation for 
Security and Cooperation in Europe, the United Nations Development Program, and 
Freedom House, an American group financed by NED. 

The results of Otpor -inspired revolutions have been mixed to say the least. 
Activists from Zimbabwe, Burma, Belarus and Iran -- over 50 countries -- have 
taken CANVAS's training. The only attributable "successes" until Egypt were in 
Georgia (2003), Ukraine (2004) and Kyrgyzstan (2005) -- the so-called colour 
revolutions, all of which have been a bitter disappointment, and along with 
Serbia, clearly manipulated by the US to serve its geopolitical ends. 

In the case of Georgia, a boyish 37-year-old Mikheil Saakashvili was catapulted 
to power on the wave of a youth movement Kmara (Enough) modelled on Otpor, 
winning the 2004 presidential elections with 97 per cent of the vote. He 
invited in thousands of US and Israeli advisers, launched a disastrous war in 
2008 against Russia, and quickly assumed dictatorial powers himself. Most of 
the Israelis scurried home after the war, and even his US patron is balking at 
supporting his plans to take on Russia again.

The Georgian opposition has been trying to oust Saakashvili ever since he 
launched war against Russia, but he is using his media smarts (and beefed-up 
security forces) to hold on to power, slavishly sending thousands of troops to 
Iraq and Afghanistan in hopes of earning enough points to join NATO. A 
fractious opposition must unite around an equally charismatic figure and future 
elections must be rigorously monitored if it expects to oust him. 

The rule-of-thumb is if you play your cards extremely well, you may be allowed 
one Otpor -style revolution, so you better make good use of it. A second one is 
hard to pull off, and if it happens, as in 2010 in Kyrgyzstan, it is more a 
sign of political dysfunction than something to cheer about. And Western-style 
electoral democracy rarely leads to social justice, especially when the country 
in question is central to US geopolitical schemes, as is the case with both 
Serbia and Egypt.

The strategy worked well for small ethnic groups wanting their own state, like 
the Estonians, Slovenians and other eastern Europeans, ironically with the 
exception of Serbians, who experienced severe economic hardship as a result of 
their "revolution" and continue to resentment the role of Europe and the US in 
their political affairs. As Egyptians massed in Tahrir Square, on 5 February, 
70,000 Serbs marched in Belgrade protesting unemployment and poverty, charging 
that the government (in typical democratic style, a razor-thin coalition 
majority) is pursuing policies dictated by Europe. It is the NATO invasion and 
the loss of Kosovo that Serbs remember with bitterness now, rather than the 
dictatorship of Milosevic. Otpor tried to enter the political arena in 2003 but 
got only 1.6 per cent of the vote and gave up, joining the Serbian President 
Boris Tadiõ's centrist pro- Europe Democratic Party.

Egyptians should keep the experience of Russia, Serbia and the colour 
revolutions in mind as they navigate the perilous waters of US-style democracy. 
Interestingly, Georgia's Foreign Minister Grigol Vashadze is visiting Egypt 1-2 
March to share his experience in post- revolution transition -- not with the 6 
April Youth Movement and the other revolutionaries, but with ex- Arab League 
head Amr Moussa and Egypt's Foreign Minister Ahmed Aboul-Gheit, both intimately 
connected with the Mubarak regime. 

There is little to cheer Egypt's idealistic revolutionaries in such confabs or 
in general in the state of politics in Georiga or any of the other colour 
revolutions today. It would be a tragedy if a few years down the line, 
Egyptians look back wistfully at pre-revolutionary times, as do many Serbs, 
Georgians, east Europeans and Russians.


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