http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/opinion/as-an-islamic-party-changes-its-stripes-in-malaysia-the-question-is-for-how-long/445375

As an Islamic Party Changes Its Stripes in Malaysia, the Question Is for How 
Long
June 07, 2011


In what could well be the start of a political revolution, Malaysia's 
rural-based opposition Islamic party underwent a sudden and dramatic 
transformation over last weekend, electing secular leaders and abandoning its 
traditional call to convert the country into an Islamic state. 

Analysts from both the government and opposition camps say that in its new 
secular guise, Parti Islam SeMalaysia (PAS) has the potential to deliver a real 
challenge to the sclerotic United Malays National Organization in elections 
expected late this year or early the next. 

PAS is the largest party in opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim's coalition but its 
resolve to impose Islamic law has often been seen as a serious barrier to its 
bid to win over non-Muslims, who make up nearly half of the population. 

The implications for Malaysian politics are profound. Urban and moderate Malays 
have turned away from PAS because of its harsh advocacy of religious law. A 
reformed PAS could provide a new refuge for disaffected ethnic Malays who have 
long been turned off by the UMNO's endemic corruption but are still not willing 
to opt for the urban, largely Malay People's Justice Party (PKR). The PKR is 
headed by Anwar, who remains a polarizing figure laboring under his own 
problems from a long-running sodomy trial and a new video purporting to show 
him cavorting with a Chinese prostitute. He also suffers in some eyes from his 
perceived ties, rightly or wrongly, to Western governments, in particular the 
United States. 

The PAS's new face could present a serious problem for Prime Minister Najib 
Razak and UMNO. If Sarawak state elections earlier this year are any 
indication, the Chinese, who make up about 25 percent of the population, have 
abandoned the ruling Barisan Nasional coalition, made up of UMNO, the Malaysian 
Chinese Association and the Malaysian Indian Congress. Some UMNO strategists 
have advocated simply abandoning support from the other major ethnic groups and 
counting on the party to take all of the ethnic Malay votes, with perhaps a 
smattering of other ethnic groups to push it over the top. 

Malays make up an estimated 52 percent of the population, according to the CIA 
World Factbook. If a significant number of ethnic Malays were to abandon UMNO 
for PAS, any hope of winning with an all-Malay strategy is out the window. 

Over the weekend the PAS elected a secular slate that replaces many of its 
former religious leaders in a bid to widen its public appeal and mesh more 
effectively with the two other parties that make up the opposition, the 
Chinese-dominated Democratic Action Party and Anwar's PKR. Only six of the 18 
elected central committee members are now considered religious leaders. The 
remainder are individuals that seem to reflect the majority Malay middle and 
working classes that PAS courts. In particular Husam Musa, who has pushed to 
moderate the PAS stance on a theocratic state, won one of the three 
vice-president posts and vowed to reach out to non-Muslim minorities. 

The new leadership of the party was immediately attacked as a tool of Anwar by 
Utusan Malaysia, the broadsheet mouthpiece of UMNO, and by Ibrahim Ali, the 
firebrand Malay who heads the Perkasa ethnic-Malay supremacy organization, 
which is allied with former Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad. 

"Anwar's job is to split the Malays and dilute their focus on Islamic ideals as 
well as limit Malay privileges and destroy Malay unity," a lawyer close to the 
Mahathir wing of UMNO said. "The PAS has dropped its Islamic state ideals in 
favor of the 'welfare state.' The ulama [religious leaders] are sidelined. 
There will be serious dropping of Islamic colors. In the short term perhaps PAS 
will get more and more support from the non-Malays and Non-Muslims." 

While the party remains headed by an Islamic religious leader, Abdul Hadi 
Awang, the deputy presidents and vice presidents below him are dominated by a 
collection of parliamentarians, activists and think tank analysts dubbed "the 
Erdogans," a reference to Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan, who was 
elected as an Islamic leader in Turkey and who against predictions continued 
the country's longstanding moderate policies. It is also a reference to allies 
of Anwar, who is regarded as close to the Turkish government. He once fled to 
Turkey's embassy after reports that he would be charged with sodomizing his 
aide, the charge for which he is currently on trial. 

There is speculation in Kuala Lumpur that the new leadership has so revitalized 
the PAS and the PKR that Najib may put plans to hold an early election on hold. 

"It's a very good lineup," an ethnic Malay businessman said. "The ulama are 
still there in the Ulama Council but there are many moderates among them. There 
finally seems to be hope among non-Muslims and moderate Muslims alike that the 
PAS is becoming a party where people can look for moderate, fair and tolerant 
leadership." 

Chief among the Erdogans is Mohamad Sabu, a galvanic public speaker from Penang 
and former member of the PKR who was twice detained under the country's 
Internal Security Act. His former PKR membership has fueled UMNO charges that 
Anwar was behind the takeover of the PAS. Sabu led the moderates' van, winning 
the party deputy presidency and crucially defeating a minority of conservatives 
seeking to lead a splinter group to link up with UMNO. 

The party's new leadership ends months of speculation that it would split off 
from the opposition coalition to realign itself with UMNO, the country's 
largest ethnic political party. 

Moderates Salahuddin Ayub, Husam Musa and Mahfuz Omar, elected as vice 
presidents, complete a leadership team that reflects the party's changing 
membership of urban Malays who have been brought into the party, and are 
oriented toward working with other races to take the leadership in Putrajaya, 
the country's political capital. 

It is uncertain how the party's new leadership will sit with the Islamic 
rank-and-file in rural Malay villages. Hadi Awang called for unity, telling the 
1,000 delegates that the new cabinet is an election cabinet and reiterating the 
party's loyalty to the opposition. 

"There will be a lot of confusion among Muslims, in particular PAS supporters 
and in the long term confusion equals instability - and when these people 
finally had enough of the political games played by PAS leaders for votes at 
the expense of Islamic ideals, the blowback will be severe. Especially if the 
Malay population at large, already sick of PAS. rejects them in the general 
election," the UMNO lawyer said. "Then PAS will go 1,000 percent back to strict 
Islamic practice to make up for lost ground and the loss of face." 

"In the end PAS has tasted power. It's not about ideals, Islam, it's about 
power." 

The other question is how well Anwar's own moderate urban Malay party holds up 
against the allure of PAS, which is much larger and infinitely better organized 
than the PKR. "[The PKR] seems absorbed and obsessed by Anwar," the Malay 
businessman said. "If [it] can shed the Anwar obsession, Malaysia will have a 
real alternative to the sham that is the Barisan Nasional." 

In what could be a harbinger of future political battle lines, the UMNO lawyer 
warned that if PAS leads the opposition coalition into power, it will later 
revert to its Islamic base and seek to institute harsh religious laws. 

  

Asia Sentinel

[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]



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