http://www.carnegieendowment.org/arb/?fa=show&article=44324

Egypt's Freedom & Justice Party: to Be or Not to Be Independent
Khalil al-Anani June 1, 2011



For the first time since its founding in 1928, the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood 
formally submitted a request to establish a political party on May 18, 2011. 
The Freedom and Justice Party (FJP) boasts some 9,000 founding members - well 
over the 5,000 member minimum required by the Political Parties Law, as amended 
after the January 25 Revolution. The Brotherhood's establishment of a political 
party is a milestone in its history, and many questions have been raised about 
the party's political platform, the selection of its leadership, and the extent 
to which a consensus exists within the Brotherhood about its future 
relationship with the FJP. 

While Islam remains ?the party's chief frame of reference, the FJP platform 
(Arabic) has introduced several amendments to the draft platform the 
Brotherhood unveiled in 2007. Perhaps the most prominent difference between the 
two platforms is the omission of the controversial provision giving clerics a 
formal role in politics and lawmaking. The Brotherhood's 2007 program (Arabic) 
called for the formation of a committee of senior religious scholars, chosen in 
national elections, to advise parliament and the president, thereby creating a 
system which many found to be akin to the Iranian one.

The FJP also removed the article on the importance of the state's religious 
functions, which had implicitly ruled out a Copt or other non-Muslim becoming 
head of state. The new platform does not rule out ?the election of women to 
government, although Brotherhood members have recently said they consider women 
"unsuitable" ?for the presidency. Overall, the Brotherhood has chosen to remain 
mum on controversial issues, hoping to dodge criticism from other political 
parties and segments of society.

Even though the FJP labels itself as a civil party, religion has a heavy 
presence throughout its platform. The party declares as its primary objective 
not to gain power, as one would expect of any civil party, but rather to 
"enhance Islamic morals, values, and concepts in individuals' lives and 
society," which are goals closer to that of a religious group than a political 
party.

Moreover, the FJP platform is ambiguous and inconsistent in the use of key 
terms. For instance, when discussing the nature of the state, the word "shura" 
(consultation) is used, as this is thought by Islamists to be a broader and 
more inclusive term than democracy. In other parts of the platform, "shura" and 
"democracy" are used interchangeably, an apparent reflection of the conflict 
between the party's religious ideals and its political ambitions. This usage 
also reflects the party's attempt to balance the discourse of the conservatives 
with that of the reformers in the Brotherhood, with "shura" being favored by 
the conservatives and "democracy" appealing to the reformers. 

In terms of its economic vision, the FJP now clearly embraces social 
liberalism, which shows that the Brotherhood's economic ideology has come a 
long way since 2007. The platform backs the principles of economic freedom that 
achieve social justice and a redistribution of income, while also encouraging 
foreign and domestic investment. The 2007 draft platform, in sharp contrast, 
had been based on an Islamic economic system. 

The way the party was founded and its leaders were selected has also been 
controversial. Party leaders, including its chairman Mohamed Morsi, deputy 
chairman Essam El-Erian, and secretary-general Mohamed Saad El-Katatny, were 
not chosen through elections. Instead, the Brotherhood's internal Shura Council 
chose the party's leadership behind closed doors.  This move left many 
disgruntled, especially young Brotherhood members, who believe that the 
Brotherhood's old guard has been trying to impose control over the FJP since 
its inception. Morsi has said, however, that his leadership is only temporary 
until a party conference can be held to organize internal elections. 

The FJP has been at pains to show that it is open to all Egyptians, taking on a 
Christian vice president (Rafiq Habib, a Copt who was a consultant for former 
Brotherhood Supreme Guide Mahdi Akef) and including nearly 1,000 female 
co-founders. But this diversity is belied by the fact that up to 70 percent of 
FJP founders are active members of the Brotherhood as well as the dearth of 
youth and women in leadership positions. In general, the FJP leadership is 
dominated by Brotherhood conservatives, with no representation for the 
reformists. The reformist leadership has been on the decline within the 
Brotherhood after the resignation of Ibrahim Zafarani and the announcement by 
Abdel Moneim Aboul Fotouh that he was going to run for president of Egypt as an 
independent - news which was hardly welcomed by the Brotherhood's leadership.

Indications so far suggest that the FJP will remain politically and 
ideologically subordinate to the Brotherhood while enjoying fiscal and 
administrative autonomy. The FJP is expected to be the Brotherhood's political 
arm, unable to take independent political stances, becoming the Egyptian 
equivalent of the Brotherhood-affiliated Islamic Action Front in Jordan. The 
FJP and the Brotherhood have gone to lengths to clarify their stances on 
women's rights, minority rights, and the relation between religion and the 
state. The Brotherhood and FJP will need to clarify their relationship to each 
other, however, and give the party enough independence to facilitate its 
activities and decrease friction with non-Islamist sectors of society. They 
will also need to quell the concerns of the party's youth, who feel sidelined 
in the current arrangement. 

Khalil al-Anani is an expert on political Islam and author of The Muslim 
Brotherhood in Egypt: Old Age Struggling with Time (Dar el-Shurouq, 2007). Paul 
Wulfsberg translated this article from Arabic. 

[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]



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