http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Southeast_Asia/MI20Ae01.html
Sep 20, 2011
 SPEAKING FREELY 

            Questioning Indonesia's place in the world
            By Yasmi Adriansya 
     

Speaking Freely is an Asia Times Online feature that allows guest writers to 
have their say. Please click here if you are interested in contributing. 


A regular but prestigious conference on Indonesia will be held in Canberra, 
Australia, on September 30-October 1. The Indonesia Update Conference 2011 of 
the Australian National University will host "Indonesia's Place in the World". 
A number of prominent academics, mostly from Australia and Indonesia, are 
scheduled to speak. The topics range from updates on politics and economics, 
Indonesia in regional and global economic and trade arrangements and 
"Indonesia's Rise", to considering Indonesia as a democratic Muslim power. 

The title of the event itself is intriguing. Certainly, assumptions over 
Indonesia's place in the world will be varied. Optimists would argue that 
Indonesia has risen into a higher stage of the international arena, 
particularly after the elevation of Group of Twenty (G-20) interactions to 
summit level in 2008. Indonesia is one of the G-20's developing country 
members. Pessimists say that the country is still quite far from being 
considered as influential within global political-economic spheres since it has 
to cope with the same set of problems commonly faced by developing countries. 

Before embarking further on such arguments, it is worth recalling a previous 
conference titled "Where is Asia Headed?" held at the same university just few 
months ago. In this conference only China, India (and certainly) Australia were 
often mentioned by the panelists. These countries are considered as the drivers 
of politics and economy, not only in Asia but also in the global arena. They 
are even predicted to become the centers of world economic gravity in the 
future. 

The question is: where is Indonesia? The country's leaders and politicians, 
government officials, diplomats, or anyone who belong to the "optimists group" 
would not be pleased with the reality of that conference. But realistically it 
should be acknowledged that Indonesia's international posture is not really 
that high. Expectations and reality are not that close. From the viewpoint of 
"power", Indonesia's capacity is not yet calculated as being significant. 

In the realm of international relations, scholars tend to agree on three 
categorizations of states' power capacity: great power (GP), middle power (MP), 
and small power (SP). Though there are still debates on which countries belong 
to which category, there is a common understanding that the GP countries are 
the United States, China, United Kingdom, France and Russia. Besides their 
political and economic dominance of the global arena, these countries have 
special status in the United Nations Security Council with their permanent 
seats and veto rights. 

Countries often categorized as middle power (MP) include Australia, Canada and 
Japan. The reasons for this categorization are the nations' advanced 
political-economic stature as well as their significant contribution to 
international cooperation and development. India and Brazil were recently 
considered as MP because of their rise in the global arena, particularly with 
the emerging notion of BRIC (Brazil, Russia, India and China). As for the 
remaining countries outside GP and MP, they are often categorized as an SP. 

Back to our initial question: which is Indonesia's category? Certainly it 
cannot be categorized as a GP. But deeming Indonesia as an SP may not be 
entirely correct either. Indonesia should actually be categorized as a MP. A 
number of academics, such as Carsten Holbraad (Middle Powers in International 
Politics, 1984) and Jonathan H Ping (Middle Power Statecraft: Indonesia, 
Malaysia, and the Asia-Pacific, 2005) have already argued that Indonesia 
deserves to be categorized as an MP. Their arguments are based on statistical 
data and "statecraft and perceived power" methodologies. 

Furthermore, the shift of global power from the Group of Eight (G8) to the G-20 
is another strong point in favor of categorizing Indonesia as an MP. Due to the 
strategic elevation of G-20, from the levels of ministerial in 1999 to the head 
of states/governments in 2008, the G-20 has declared itself as the"premier 
forum for international economic cooperation". As a consequence, countries like 
South Africa, Brazil, and Indonesia are unofficially categorized as MPs 
(Seonjou Kang, "Middle Powers in Global Governance", in Tyler dan Hofmeister, 
Going Global: Australia, Brazil, Indonesia, South Korea and South Africa in 
International Affairs, 2011). 

In other words, Indonesia definitely deserves to be acknowledged, or even 
perceive itself, as an MP. Indonesia also deserves to perform more aggressively 
in the international arena since its political-economic strength meets the 
"requirements" or expectations. 

The question is, why in reality Indonesia is not considered that "high" as an 
MP, at least for the Asian region? This is likely because the country is too 
much occupied with internal challenges. Indonesia unquestionably has the 
potential given its abundant natural and human resources. The crux of the 
matter is on their management. To this end, fingers will be pointed at the 
politicians, government, and the judicial apparatus (the so-called "Trias 
Politica" in political science terms). The high rate of corruption and the lack 
of legal enforcement are deemed as the main source of problems that holds 
systemic causes. Most of the country's potential is being wiped out, or at 
least covered up, by these phenomena. 

In this regard, what the country should further consider, is to first 
re-emphasize the direction on where it is actually headed. There is no doubt 
that the internal challenges are countless, but definitely the most daunting 
ones can be identified. For example: combating corruption, enforcing law, and 
reducing poverty. (Note: the World Bank states that the 2009 percentage number 
of Indonesian people who still live under the poverty line is 14.2%. It is such 
a staggering number as the annual economic growth merely achieves less than 
7%). 

But who shall take the initiative? The most likely answer is the government as 
it holds the legitimacy and authority that can exert essential roles in 
resetting the country's path. It is unlikely to come from the politicians at 
the House of Representatives or the judicial apparatus. From a number of 
surveys, the House and the judicial bodies are often considered as the most 
corrupt institutions in the country. Certainly the government itself is not 
free of corruption allegations, but at least it is the last hope for people as 
it has the governing mandate. 

If the country's direction is re-emphasized, then the moves of government must 
focus on that direction. In other words, any political and technical issues 
within the government shall be managed within the corridor of combating 
corruption, legal enforcement and poverty alleviation. Even in the area of 
foreign policy, where the country's international posture is mostly crafted, 
the "machines" need to focus in the re-emphasized direction. 

Third, when most of the things are already on track, slowly but surely 
Indonesia can project further its international profile. In this regard, it is 
worth underlining that the profile will follow the achievements, not vice 
versa. Arguably it is only after those achievements being reached that the 
country could fully subscribe to the prestigious club called the "middle 
power". 

Yasmi Adriansyah is the Australian Leadership Award (ALA) scholar, studying PhD 
on International Relations at the Australian National University (ANU), 
Canberra. 

(Copyright 2011 Yasmi Adriansyah.) Speaking Freely is an Asia Times Online 
feature that allows guest writers to have their say. Please click here if you 
are interested in contributing

[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]



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