Fortune
 
 
Behind the war between Obama and big  business 
 
By _Tory Newmyer_ 
(http://money.cnn.com/2010/07/29/news/economy/business_vs_obama.fortune/[email protected])
 , writerJuly 29, 2010: 8:22 AM ET  



FORTUNE -- Corporate chiefs may seem hardboiled, but they can be sensitive, 
 too. Take the ruckus they've been raising over what they perceive to be 
rough  treatment from the Obama White House. 
The bubbling resentment of the administration among  top corporate brass 
burst into the open in late June, when Verizon (_VZ_ 
(http://money.cnn.com/quote/quote.html?symb=VZ&source=story_quote_link) , 
_Fortune 500_ 
(http://money.cnn.com/magazines/fortune/fortune500/2010/snapshots/2773.html?source=story_f
500_link) ) CEO Ivan Seidenberg _addressed_ 
(http://www.businessroundtable.org/speech/transcript_speech_ivan_seidenberg_economic_club_washington)
  a 
lunchtime crowd gathered  at a hotel in downtown Washington. "By reaching into 
virtually every sector of  economic life, government is injecting 
uncertainty into the marketplace and  making it harder to raise capital and 
create 
new businesses," he said. 
 


The critique was remarkable because Seidenberg was speaking in his capacity 
 as chairman of the Business Roundtable, a trade group representing 170 top 
CEOs  and, until recently, Obama's last apparent ally among the major 
Beltway business  collectives. The White House identified Seidenberg himself 
earlier this year as  one of four chief executives whom Obama admires. 
Seidenberg and others have been laying out substantive cases for how the  
administration's economic agenda is failing to foster growth -- pointing to  
regulatory uncertainty about how the health-care and Wall Street reform 
bills  will be implemented, and complaining about what they call 
anti-competitive tax  policies. 
Cue the demon card 
But there is another, more personal reason for the  souring. Obama's 
rhetoric on the stump, they say, has been overly broad and  overly harsh in 
blaming big business for the nation's economic woes. The charge  has developed 
into a refrain. U.S. Chamber of Commerce president Tom Donohue _said_ 
(http://thehill.com/homenews/administration/108923-biz-obama-jobs-dispute-escalating)
 
 the administration's push to  overhaul health care, and financial and oil 
regulations has left companies  "demonized." 
Billionaire real estate and media mogul Mort  Zuckerman, appearing Sunday 
on CNN's State of the Union, _said_ 
(http://archives.cnn.com/TRANSCRIPTS/1007/25/sotu.01.html)  the White House has 
"done something here that  affects 
everybody's confidence in the attitudes of this administration to the  
business community and to the economy. They have demonized the business world." 
 
Even ousted BP (_BP_ 
(http://money.cnn.com/quote/quote.html?symb=BP&source=story_quote_link) ) chief 
Tony Hayward, a man deserving of rebuke if  there 
ever was one, this week complained he was "demonized and vilified" in the  U.S. 
Democrats countercharge that the complaints from business leaders are  
overblown and misplaced. They argue Obama and his party made painful decisions  
to avert an economic catastrophe: bailing out the automakers, saving the 
banks  without nationalizing them, and passing a massive stimulus package that 
they say  wrenched the nation out of a tailspin. And they point as proof of 
their success  to the performance of the private sector: second-quarter 
profits so far show big  businesses are humming again, far outpacing analysts' 
estimates. 
That said, Democrats have made an attack on major industries an explicit 
part  of their campaign message. The majority wants to make the election a 
choice  between the two parties as opposed to what the GOP is pushing for -- a  
referendum on the party in power. To do that, since spring, party leaders 
have  hammered on a contrast they hope will stick: Democrats stand up for 
Main Street,  while the GOP champions Wall Street; Democrats are for patients 
and doctors,  while the GOP is for insurance industry profits; Democrats want 
to protect small  businesses in the Gulf, while the GOP protects the oil 
companies. Et cetera. 
For some CEOs, the tack appears to be confirming long-held suspicions that  
Obama is fundamentally anti-business. George W. Bush tried to hone an image 
as  the CEO president, stocking his cabinet with former corporate captains. 
Obama  appointed none. But he named some to an advisory board -- and 
assiduously  solicited input from a range of them. Seidenberg, for example, 
acknowledged he  has been to the White House 16 times. 
One Democratic lobbyist says CEOs, after plenty of  face time with the 
President, now believe it hasn't amounted to much. "There's a  lot of talk, but 
not a lot of action," he says. Seidenberg's speech last month,  for example, 
came a day after the Business Roundtable responded to a White House  
request by sending budget director Peter Orszag _a 54-page report_ 
(http://www.scribd.com/doc/35010690/Business-Roundtable)  outlining pending 
regulations 
they  believe will stifle growth. Many now question whether their letter will 
do  anything but gather dust. 
Finding a middle ground 
Jim Kessler, vice president for policy at Third Way, a business-friendly  
Democratic think tank, attributes the White House's rhetoric to the need to 
sell  moderate legislative wins to a dispirited base. "When your legislation 
moves to  the center, your rhetoric has to move to the left," he said. "And 
even  sophisticated business people are not going to read a 2,000 page bill, 
so what  they hear is the rhetoric."  

But the danger for the White House in going after  corporate bigwigs too 
aggressively, Kessler said, is that Americans are still  fundamentally 
pro-business. A _recent survey_ (http://www.thirdway.org/publications/315)  his 
group commissioned  from Benenson Strategy Group, Obama's campaign pollster, 
found 63% of Americans  think "most American companies value their employees 
and treat them well." A  minority felt large companies have too much power 
and hurt the middle class --  and a majority believe the private sector, 
rather than the government, will be  the engine of the economic recovery. 
Some of the short-term political fallout for  Democrats is already evident. 
The party's fundraising from major Wall Street  donors has fallen off a 
cliff, with collections out of New York down 65% since  two years ago, 
according to a recent Washington Post report. Many of those  donors now sitting 
on 
their wallets had been important boosters for Obama in his  campaign -- like 
J.P Morgan Chase (_JPM_ (http://mone
y.cnn.com/quote/quote.html?symb=JPM&source=story_quote_link) , _Fortune 500_ 
(http://money.cnn.com/magazines/fortune/fortune500/2010/snapshots/2608.html?source=story_f500_link)
 ) CEO Jamie 
Dimon, who has cut off donations  to the Democratic party committees and 
written a check to Mark Kirk, the  Illinois Republican seeking Obama's old 
Senate 
seat. 
The disconnect with Wall Street, in particular, was  brought into fresh 
relief this week as Obama traveled up to New York on  Wednesday for 
back-to-back fundraisers. Both high-dollar events -- one at the  Greenwich 
Village home 
of Vogue editor-in-chief Anna Wintour, the other  at the Four Seasons Hotel 
-- sold out, _according to_ 
(http://online.wsj.com/article/NA_WSJ_PUB:SB10001424052748703292704575393471424660044.html)
  the Wall Street  Journal. But 
a Democratic fundraiser told the paper that anger toward  Democrats among 
financial services executives will limit repeat engagements in  town -- and 
that Wall Street types asked to attend the events this week were  either 
uninterested or only wanted to come so they could complain to the  President. 
How will Obama fix this problem? Jeffrey Garten, a professor of 
international  trade and finance at the Yale School of Management, said he 
thinks the  
administration "is going to try to meet these guys halfway, because it's  
genuinely concerned that the sour attitude will translate into a lack of  
investment." Obama has already signaled he wants to get moving on stalled trade 
 
agreements with Korea, Colombia, and Panama. 
"It's going to be better in the short term,"  predicted Garten, author of 
"The Mind of the CEO." "He'll bring in one or two  business leaders into the 
administration, if he can find them. And he'll try to  cut a deal in which 
the rhetoric stops, and he finds some things that both he  and the business 
community can say they're going to go forward on, on a  congenial basis."

-- 
Centroids: The Center of the Radical Centrist Community 
<[email protected]>
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