The Daily Beast
 
 
 
How to Stop the  Bleeding
by Howard Kurtz
November 4, 2010 | 10:42pm

 
Surveying the midterm wreckage, Democrats now have to find a way to dig  
themselves out. Howard Kurtz talks to party strategists about what went wrong, 
 who's at fault, and the way forward. 
The Democrats seem dazed and confused, unsure what to do after the 
electoral  mugging that left them battered and bruised. 
Some of the party's top strategists and activists are offering advice to  
President Obama, some of it incremental, some of it sweeping, much of it  
contradictory. 
"His economic team needs to resign en masse," James Carville declares. 
"They  may have saved the country from a depression, the history books may 
treat 
them  kindly, but the electorate didn't treat them very kindly… None of our 
economic  team could explain anything to anybody." Tim Geithner, take note: 
The Cajun is  on your case. 
Obama's signature failure, in Carville's view, was failing to crack down on 
 "greedy" Wall Street bankers: "That's why the Democratic Party exists, to 
deal  with that, and we just bailed them out and threw a Band-Aid over it." 
Al Sharpton offers a more measured view, saying the left must recognize 
that  Obama needs to do business with the likes of John Boehner and Mitch  
McConnell. 
“The problem is Obama,” says Joe  Trippi, who masterminded Howard Dean’s 
2004 campaign. “I don’t think he’s going  to change. I don’t think he’s as 
adaptable as Clinton was.”  
"We have to give the president room to seek some compromise on things where 
 there's common ground," Sharpton says. "It'd be bad to create a climate 
where we  attack him for trying to work with McConnell and Boehner. There's 
been  unrealistic sniping." 
Others point fingers directly at the occupant of the Oval Office. 
"The problem is Obama," says Joe Trippi, who this fall helped Jerry Brown 
win  his old job back in California and was a mastermind of Howard Dean's 
2004  campaign. "I don't think he's going to change. I don't think he's as 
adaptable  as Clinton was." Dean, he says, "could end up being one of the guys 
who continue  to challenge Obama from the left as Boehner and the Tea Party 
are pulling him to  the center." 
• _Richard Wolffe: Team Obama Blaming Rahm _ 
(http://www.thedailybeast.com/blogs-and-stories/2010-11-04/white-house-aide-blame-rahm-for-democrats-midter
m-debacle/) 

• _Prepare for John Boehner, Uncorked_ 
(http://www.thedailybeast.com/blogs-and-stories/2010-11-05/john-boehner-brings-booze-back-to-washington/)
  The  
Democrats, in the grand tradition of their party, are famous for forming  
circular firing squads. To be sure, they may use rubber bullets this time 
since  they still hold the White House and, thanks in part to Sharron Angle, 
Christine  O'Donnell, and Ken Buck, the Senate. But you don't lose 60-plus 
House seats  without serious recriminations. 
• _Tunku Varadarajan: Can Obama Save the India  Alliance?_ 
(http://www.thedailybeast.com/blogs-and-stories/2010-11-04/obamas-india-trip-to-save-an-allia
nce/) In a new paper for the middle-of-the-road journal _The Democratic 
Strategist_ 
(http://www.thedemocraticstrategist.org/_memos/tds_SM_Dems_after_election.pdf) 
, Ed  Kilgore, James Vega, and J.P. Green warn that "the 
mainstream media will build  this into a 'Dems in disarray' narrative that will 
have major negative  consequences for Democratic morale, mobilization, and 
public image." Guess what,  guys: You don't need any help from the press on 
that 
score. The disarray is  hangin' out there in plain view. 
Any rational discussion of what Obama and his party  need to do must begin 
with this existential question: What the hell happened?  Reporters in the 
East Room tried _repeatedly on Wednesday_ 
(http://www.thedailybeast.com/blogs-and-stories/2010-11-03/president-obamas-tepid-counteroffensive-white-house-re
porters-on-penetrating-his-armor/)  to get the  president to acknowledge 
that the problem might have been his policies, not just  the way they were 
marketed, but Obama stood his ground. 
"To me this is mostly 'we're in charge, things aren't going well, and 
people  punish you when that's the case,'" says Democratic pollster Mark 
Mellman. 
"I  don't think the evidence is there to suggest a repudiation of policy." 
Mellman's advice: The Democrats must "show that they are focused on jobs 
and  the economy and hopefully produce some results in fairly short order"—
easier  said then done with unemployment at 9.6 percent. (Of course, Mellman 
defines  fairly short order as "before the next election.") 
A more fundamental indictment is that Obama utterly failed to connect the  
dots between the stimulus, health care, financial regulation and his other  
initiatives, which came to be defined by the opposition as big government 
run  amok. 
With Ronald Reagan and Bill Clinton, says Chris Lehane, a veteran of the  
Clinton White House, "people got what they were about. People knew what 
Reagan  stood for, people knew what Clinton stood for. The big challenge for 
this 
 particular president is, what is our party's theory of the case?" 
Obama, Lehane says, "ran an aspirational campaign that was about him and 
the  idea of him. But there wasn't a specific theory of where he was going to 
take  the country. If you were a centrist, if you were a progressive, you 
projected  that he was the kind of president you wanted." 
And what, after two years of Democratic rule, should that theory be? "Our  
country is in a fight for the jobs of the 21st century and we have to win 
that  fight," Lehane says. "Every single day, you talk about it. Every single 
day, you  do events that drive that. If Republicans aren't willing to go 
along, let's  frame them as people who are on the opposite side of jobs." 
Ah yes, the Republicans. Any discussion of saving the Democrats' bacon  
eventually comes around to the GOP, which will control the post-Pelosi House 
and  be a few votes short of parity in the Senate, which the minority can tie 
in  knots. 
McConnell, who has made unemployment—that is,  Obama's unemployment—his 
top priority, wasn't talking compromise in a speech  Thursday to _the Heritage 
Foundation_ (http://www.politico.com/news/stories/1110/44702.html) : "If 
our  primary legislative goals are to repeal and replace the health spending 
bill; to  end the bailouts; cut spending; and shrink the size and scope of 
government, the  only way to do all these things is to put someone in the 
White House who won't  veto any of these things," the minority leader said. 
McConnell and Boehner, two veteran Beltway insiders, will be dealing with a 
 Tea Party wing that views compromise as a dirty word. "These guys are a 
lot  nuttier than the crowd that came in in '94," says Carville, arguing that 
his  former boss had an easier time dealing with the Gingrich Republicans. 
Some stab at dealmaking is inevitable, if only because both sides will want 
 to demonstrate that they understand the voters' desire for results. But 
Mellman,  who helped save two endangered Democrats, Harry Reid and Barbara 
Boxer, is among  those who sees the bipartisan dance as a trap. As the 
health-care battle turned  ugly, he says, "so much time was spent trying to 
negotiate with Republicans who  had no interest in negotiating." 
And it is here that the interests of the president and his legislative 
troops  may diverge. Clinton famously triangulated his way to reelection, but  
Republicans remained in charge of both houses. As Obama increasingly focuses 
on  2012, House Democrats—those who remain, at least—are acutely aware that 
his  first two years produced a disastrous shellacking. 
"They won't say this out loud, but these guys all think they were cannon  
fodder for Pelosi and Obama," Trippi says. "If he's still on this mission of  
'we're gonna do the right thing and curse the polls,' they're not going to 
be  willing to walk the plank anymore—not after they just saw 60 or 65 of 
their best  buds go out the window. It's really a mess." 
Howard Kurtz is The Daily Beast's Washington bureau chief. He also hosts  
CNN's weekly media program Reliable Sources, Sundays at 11 am ET. The 
longtime  media reporter and columnist for The Washington Post, Kurtz is the 
author 
of  five books.

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