National Catholic Reporter
 
Is Ireland just the first Vatican embassy 
to go?

Nov. 30, 2011  
By _John L  Allen Jr_ (http://ncronline.org/users/john-l-allen-jr) 


 
Last year, veteran Italian journalist Massimo Franco published a book about 
 what he sees as the Vatican’s declining international relevance. Its 
opening  chapter was titled “The Last Ambassador,” and featured a diplomat from 
a major  Western nation who compared his situation, representing his 
government to the  Vatican today, to that of the final ambassadors to the 
soon-to-disappear  Republic of Venice in 1797. 
Franco quoted another diplomat at a Vatican reception looking around at his 
 colleagues and openly wondering, “How many of us will still be here in 10  
years?” 
Whatever the answer, it will be at least one less. In early November, 
Ireland  announced it was closing its embassy to the Vatican, while still 
maintaining  diplomatic relations with the Holy See. (The announcement was made 
in 
tandem  with closures of two other Irish embassies, in East Timor and Iran.) 
Immediately, the move was seen against the backdrop of the massive sexual  
abuse crisis in Ireland. Some observers, however, wonder if it may turn out 
to  be just the first closure in a broader cycle -- one that leaves formal  
diplomatic relations with the Vatican intact on paper, but the number of  
full-time representatives working on the relationship on a daily basis in 
steady  decline. 
The physical presence of an ambassador and an  embassy, according to most 
observers, is a measure of how seriously one nation  takes its relationship 
with another. At the moment, the Vatican has full  diplomatic relations with 
179 countries, of which 80, including the United  States, maintain an 
embassy and ambassador in Rome dedicated to the  Vatican.
 
(Technically, relations are established not with the Vatican but the “Holy  
See,” the term for the papacy as the church’s seat of government and as a  
sovereign entity in global affairs.) 
The possibility of more countries choosing to reduce their representation,  
observers say, is fueled by three forces: the global economic meltdown, 
which  has left many governments scrambling to cut expenditures; a perception 
that the  Vatican is less internationally engaged and less effective under 
Pope Benedict  XVI than Pope John Paul II; and the impact of the sexual abuse 
crisis, which has  marred the Vatican’s reputation as a moral authority and 
reduced potential  political backlash in many nations for closing embassies 
and withdrawing  ambassadors. 
To be sure, it’s not as if the Vatican’s diplomatic standing is in free 
fall.  In December 2009, for instance, Russia upgraded its relationship to 
full  diplomatic recognition -- in part, a tribute to the effectiveness of B
enedict’s  ecumenical outreach to the Russian Orthodox church, which had 
heretofore  resisted such a move. 
Today there are only a handful of nations that don’t have relations with 
the  Vatican, including China, North Korea and Saudi Arabia. The Vatican 
continues to  function as a unique bully pulpit in global affairs, as witnessed 
both by an  Oct. 27 interreligious assembly in Assisi hosted by Benedict, and 
a  headline-making recent document on reform of the international economy 
released  by the Pontifical Council for Justice and Peace (NCR, Nov. 11-24). 
In regions of the world where Catholicism is growing, including sub-Saharan 
 Africa and parts of Asia, the momentum appears to be in favor of 
strengthening  Vatican ties, not weakening them. For instance, the latest 
nation to 
establish  relations with the Vatican was majority-Muslim Malaysia last July. 
Among the traditional Western powers, however, the mood is somewhat  
different. 
In recent years, Western ambassadors have quietly complained that it has  
become more difficult to engage the Vatican on international issues, and that 
 Vatican diplomacy appears to be passing through a period of retrenchment. 
Vatican diplomats today, they say, are highly focused on issues of 
religious  freedom and anti-Christian persecution, but sometimes less 
interested in 
other  matters. Some diplomats point to perceptions that the Vatican was not 
keenly  engaged on Libya in the same way it had been on earlier conflicts 
in the Balkans  or Iraq under John Paul, as an example. 
Moreover, these diplomats say, the sexual abuse crisis has created a  
political environment in which critics of funding missions to the Vatican can  
wield powerful new ammunition. 
“Because of the crisis, people in my government who have always questioned  
why we have an embassy here are much bolder,” a senior Western diplomat 
told  NCR in mid-November. “To be honest, I’m not sure how much longer we can  
hold out.” 
Most observers say that if there are to be additional closures or  
downsizings, it’s more likely, at least in the short term, to come from Europe  
rather than the United States. It’s a long shot, they say, that a Democratic  
president who already faces a rocky relationship with the Catholic church 
would  take such a step -- especially heading into 2012 elections in which the  
“
Catholic vote” will once again be in play. 
In the meantime, Catholic officials in Ireland have expressed hope the  
government there may reconsider. Cardinal Seán Brady of Armagh said the closure 
 “seems to show little regard for the important role played by the Holy See 
in  international relations and of the historic ties between the Irish 
people and  the Holy See over many centuries.” 
Signs suggest, however, that for now, reconsideration is unlikely. Just 
days  after the embassy closure was announced, Irish Foreign Minister Eamon 
Gilmore  told the Dáil, Ireland’s parliament, that the government has not 
invited  Benedict to the country to take part in a Eucharistic Congress in 
2012, 
nor was  such an invitation under consideration. Observers say that makes it 
all but  impossible for Benedict to visit Ireland next year, which some 
observers had  pointed to as a possible turning point in recent  tensions.

-- 
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