NY  Times
 
How China Steals Our  Secrets  
By RICHARD A.  CLARKE
Published: April 2, 2012 

 
 
FOR the last two months, senior government officials  and private-sector 
experts have paraded before Congress and described in  alarming terms a silent 
threat: cyberattacks carried out by foreign governments.  Robert S. Mueller 
III, the director of the F.B.I., said cyberattacks would soon  replace 
terrorism as the agency’s No. 1 concern as foreign hackers, particularly  from 
China, penetrate American firms’ computers and steal huge amounts of  
valuable data and intellectual property.  
It’s not hard to imagine what happens when an American  company pays for 
research and a Chinese firm gets the results free; it destroys  our 
competitive edge. Shawn Henry, who retired last Friday as the executive  
assistant 
director of the F.B.I. (and its lead agent on cybercrime), told  Congress last 
week of an American company that had all of its data from a  10-year, $1 
billion research program copied by hackers in one night. Gen. Keith  B. 
Alexander, head of the military’s Cyber Command, called the continuing,  
rampant 
cybertheft “the greatest transfer of wealth in history.”  
Yet the same Congress that has heard all of this  disturbing testimony is 
mired in disagreements about a _proposed  cybersecurity bill_ 
(http://www.govtrack.us/congress/bills/112/s2105/text)  that does little to 
address the 
problem of Chinese  cyberespionage. The bill, which would establish 
noncompulsory industry  cybersecurity standards, is bogged down in ideological 
disputes. Senator John  McCain, who dismissed it as a form of unnecessary 
regulation, has proposed _an  alternative bill_ 
(http://commerce.senate.gov/public/?a=Files.Serve&File_id=e1244f6d-24ac-44b0-872e-61e1ce6509e6)
  that fails to 
address the inadequate cyberdefenses of  companies running the nation’s 
critical infrastructure. Since Congress appears  unable and unwilling to 
address 
the threat, the executive branch must do  something to stop it.  
In the past, F.B.I. agents parked outside banks they  thought were likely 
to be robbed and then grabbed the robbers and the loot as  they left. 
Catching the robbers in cyberspace is not as easy, but snatching the  loot is 
possible.  
General Alexander testified last week that his  organization saw an inbound 
attack that aimed to steal sensitive files from an  American arms 
manufacturer. The Pentagon warned the company, which had to act on  its own. 
The 
government did not directly intervene to stop the attack because no  federal 
agency believes it currently has the authority or mission to do so.  
If given the proper authorization, the United States  government could stop 
files in the process of being stolen from getting to the  Chinese hackers. 
If government agencies were authorized to create a major  program to grab 
stolen data leaving the country, they could drastically reduce  today’s 
wholesale theft of American corporate secrets.  
Many companies do not even know when they have been  hacked. According to 
Congressional testimony last week, _94  percent of companies_ 
(http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052702304177104577307773326180032.html)
  served by 
the computer-security firm Mandiant were  unaware that they had been 
victimized. And although the Securities and Exchange  Commission has urged 
companies to reveal when they have been victims of  cyberespionage, most do 
not. 
Some, including Sony, Citibank, Lockheed, Booz  Allen, Google, EMC and the 
Nasdaq have admitted to being victims. The  government-owned National 
Laboratories and federally funded research centers _have  also been penetrated_ 
(http://seattletimes.nwsource.com/html/localnews/2015528333_apwanationallabcyberat
tack2ndldwritethru.html) .  
Because it is fearful that government monitoring would  be seen as a cover 
for illegal snooping and a violation of citizens’ privacy,  the Obama 
administration has not even attempted to develop a proposal for  spotting and 
stopping vast industrial espionage. It fears a negative reaction  from 
privacy-rights and Internet-freedom advocates who do not want the  government 
scanning Internet traffic. Others in the administration fear further  damaging 
relations with China. Some officials also fear that standing up to  China might 
trigger disruptive attacks on America’s vulnerable  computer-controlled 
infrastructure.  
But by failing to act, Washington is effectively  fulfilling China’s 
research requirements while helping to put Americans out of  work. Mr. Obama 
must 
confront the cyberthreat, and he does not even need any new  authority from 
Congress to do so.  
Under Customs authority, the _Department  of Homeland Security_ 
(http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/organizations/h/homeland_security_d
epartment/index.html?inline=nyt-org)  could inspect what enters and exits 
the United States  in cyberspace. Customs already looks online for child 
pornography crossing our  virtual borders. And under the Intelligence Act, the 
president could issue a  finding that would authorize agencies to scan 
Internet traffic outside the  United States and seize sensitive files stolen 
from 
within our borders.  
And this does not have to endanger citizens’ privacy  rights. Indeed, Mr. 
Obama could build in protections like appointing an  empowered privacy 
advocate who could stop abuses or any activity that went  beyond halting the 
theft 
of important files.  
If Congress will not act to protect America’s  companies from Chinese 
cyberthreats, _President  Obama_ 
(http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/people/o/barack_obama/index.html?inline=nyt-per)
  must.  
 
_Richard A. Clarke_ (http://www.richardaclarke.net/bio.php) , the  special 
adviser to the president for cybersecurity from 2001 to 2003, is the  author 
of “Cyber War: The Next Threat to National Security and What to Do About  
It.” 

-- 
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