from the site : The Economic Populist
 
 
 
Origins of Subprime crisis: derivatives

 
Submitted by _caldararo_ (http://www.economicpopulist.org/users/caldararo)  
on Mon,  03/10/2008


 
Subprime Crisis & Derivatives: Origins
by niccolo caldararo 
Intro
The origins of the present subprime crisis can be found in the Nixon  
Administration when his appointment to the SEC, Mitchell, removed the  
prohibitions to trades in futures and similar "bets" that has made our markets  
so 
unstable.  A number of academics including Fisher Black, created a  series of 
formulas by which traders could manipulate the markets and make huge  
profits. The result of this behavior would led to our crisis by creating the  
impression that risk could be eliminated. 
The current crisis on trading floors of the major markets and the hedge 
fund  offices and banks might lead one to think that no one has had any idea 
that such  a crisis might unfold.   However, lessons from the Crash of 1907 
and  that of 1929 led to changes in the laws governing finance during the 
1930s under  FDR. 
A number of articles have appeared recently in your paper attempting to  
describe the point of origin and the blame for the current liquidity crisis.  
Many feel, like that the government should step in and correct the problem 
by  making the taxpayers pay for the imprudent acts of some, while  noting 
that we have learned that financial institutions were too lenient with  
credit.  Others have traced the evolution of the crisis and shown that  
post-Depression (1929) laws regulating credit producing entities were removed 
in  the 
last 30 years making way for the subprime collapse.  This is the  correct 
lesson to learn.   As Donald MacKenzie and Yuval Millo have  shown in their 
2003 article, "Constructing a Market, Performing a Theory,"  Journal of 
Sociology, v. 109, the legal barriers to the trading in derivatives  were 
removed 
by political interference with the post-Depression experience with  
speculation. This grew out of the peculiar social environment of the Chicago  
markets in the 1960s and 70s and the way traders rediscovered option theory,  
taking advantage of volatility skew. 
The Chicago Board of Trade hired former Presidential aide H.H. Wilson to  
become its president in 1967. Wilson hired Joseph W. Sullivan, a Wall Street  
Journal political correspondent as his assistant. Together they began to 
explore  the feasibility of trading in futures on commodities of a variety of 
products  with the involvement of a trader named Leo Melamed. This led to 
discussions to  revive trade in financial futures that had fallen in disrepute 
during the first  half of the 20th century.    
Gillian Tett, in an _article_ 
(http://us.ft.com/ftgateway/superpage.ft?news_id=fto082620071455490540)  in the 
Financial Times (8/27/07), noted that 
market  collapses have been associated with innovations that seem to have 
changed the  rules.  However, as in 1907 and 1929 our present dilemma is not 
due 
to a  new innovation but one packaged as new.    Stock options and  futures 
were, as MacKenzie and Millo note (from analysis by Max Weber in his  time) 
"integral to 19th century exchanges."  The 1929 crash put  such activities 
and speculation in derivative instruments under the category of  wagers and 
gambling. They note that as late as the 1960s the  SEC "remained deeply 
suspicious of derivatives....A futures contract was legal,  the Supreme Court 
ruled in 1905, if it could be settled by physical delivery of  a commodity such 
as grain. If it could be settled only in cash, it was an  illegal wager." 
Sullivan and his associates went to work on the political framework to  
undermine this institutional memory of disaster and the legal restrictions that 
 reinforced it.   SEC Chair Manuel Cohen refused to listen comparing  
options to "marijuana and thalidomide."   But by using university  economists 
like Burton Malkiel and Richard Quandt, Sullivan was able to create  the 
argument that there was a mathematical and rational basis for options to  make 
the 
market more efficient.   With help from William Baumol,  Malkiel and 
Quandt, and with the resources of Robert R. Nathan Associates, they  produced a 
campaign purporting to show that an options exchange was in the  public 
interest.  
In 1971 Richard Nixon appointed tax lawyer William Casey as chair to the 
SEC  and the result was an end to the prohibition of a market in options and 
futures  derivatives.  In the 1980s Fisher Black and Merton, two professors 
of  economics, developed formulas to streamline this process in the modern 
context  and a number of firms like J.P. Morgan invented financial devices in 
the 1990s  to sell debt associated with securitized mortgages based on their 
ideas.  
These began the current explosion in liquidity.  The devices  were called 
derivatives and we know them from a number of letters, like  LCDS (Loan 
credit default swaps), CDS of CDOs (credit default swaps of  collateralized 
debt 
obligations), CFDs (contracts of difference) and basically  they are means 
of placing bets on movements in the markets.  The way was  open to the 
floodgates of speculation. 
What we need is a longer institutional memory and to reinstitute the laws  
prohibiting speculation and to separate banking, insurance and brokerage  
functions as we learned was necessary after 1929. 
It might also seem from a casual observer that money (Credit) from the  
central banks, and especially the American Federal Reserve, has no limit. It is 
 almost like magic, like the "Primitive" Melanesian idea of Mana, a force 
that  can be conjurer up by a magician. 
If one refers to any current source on Nassin Nicholas Taleb's life since 
the  publication of his book, The Black Swan, one is reminded of Gillian 
Tett's  interview with _Robert Merton_ 
(http://us.ft.com/ftgateway/superpage.ft?news_id=fto052020071226166868)  (in 
the Financial Times, May 21st 2007).   
Both articles produced some surprising comments.   Just as Taleb's  
performance as a hedge fund manager has been spotty at best, Prof Merton made  
the 
claim, following the LTCM collapse, that derivatives protect us from crashes  
and seems remarkable. 
In both cases it would be like Lord Treasurer Robert Hartley, the inventor 
of  the South Seas Bubble in 1711, asserting that his scheme had protected 
England  from economic panics in 1720.  While Taleb is not an innovator of 
specific  models underlying these devices as Merton is he has undertaken a 
similar role.  Prof. Merton's view of a world of controllable risk by 
mathematics in the face  of his admission that in the case of LTCM people did 
not 
behave in ways  predicted by his model, based on his model's assumptions, that 
is, that people  act rationally, is unconvincing.  
Instead of acting as the model predicted, people behaved as a herd in  
panic.  Canetti described such patterns in 1962 and a number of scholars  from 
Krondratieff and Schumpeter to Stornette have attempted to develop an  
understanding of such panics and their role in economics (see my book,  
Sustainability published in 2004 or you can download for free an article I 
wrote  that 
provides more detail and background to this discussion from the _Social 
Science Research Network_ 
(http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1007819) . 
I think Mary Douglas, in her work on risk in various cultures, has shown 
that  how risk functions varies in different cultures at different times.    
For Prof. Merton to say derivatives are like anti-lock brakes and if people  
drive faster because they have them we should do not blame the brakes, is  
preposterous, because is that not the problem? 
If you reduce the probability of adverse events in people's minds, will 
they  not engage in more risky behavior?   Many products exist which allow  
people to feel better and ignore the consequences of their behavior 
temporarily,  like heroin, but we do realize that eventually reality does 
intercede.  
It is an apt choice of words to refer to Prof. Merton's enthusiasm  for his 
idea as "evangelical zeal," since we should recall John Maynard Keynes'  
caution that we should not mistake what is probable for either knowledge  or 
reality. 
We presently live in a globalized financial economy where if there are  
problems they affect everyone. A lack of diversity in any system makes it  
susceptible to any stress throughout the entire system. There is little  
resilience in a "flat world."   The Chinese and the Japanese are constantly  
under 
pressure to become more enveloped in this system.   At present the  Japanese 
are less affected than other economies, but the Anglo-Americans the  most. 
The idea of such an economic unity has been favored by a number of  economic 
theories, but in historical comparison it looks little different from  the 
binding of ones subjects by kings or as happened in the late Roman  
Republic.  It takes on the character of tribute to a hegemonic center, like  
Italy 
after the Civil Wars where little was produced and its people had to be  
increasingly supported by imports.  In like fashion, Americans have been on  a 
spending spree for nearly 20 years with little or no  saving.   We live on 
credit.  Some have come to  regard American debt as money in a most strange 
view of value. 
The Bush Administration, while criticizing any bailout of the banking  
industry has been doing just that.   The amount of this "bailout" is  
frightening today, but minor in effect in the financial markets, as described 
in  
Krishna Guha's _article_ 
(http://us.ft.com/ftgateway/superpage.ft?news_id=fto121720072025228915)  in the 
Financial Times (12/18/07). What is disturbing  is 
the transfer of the risk created in the past 5 years via SIVs, derivatives,  
etc. from private financial institutions to the Federal Home Loan Bank 
system.  Guha reports that roughly three-quarters of a trillion dollars a  year 
has been assumed.  
Essentially while we were all watching the Fed lower interest rates and  
create cooperative agreements to shore up the financial system, the "shadow  
banking system" that created the current subprime balloon and the  derivative 
industry has been shunting off the risk to the public purse.  
This reminds me of the old Welsh Sinne-eaters described by James Frazer, 
who  were called upon to transfer evil from one person to another.   In our  
present case, the FHLB may eat all the sins of the banking industry but we  
cannot expect the process to take place without catastrophic effects on the  
dollar.  
The only winners will be the financial wizards who have had sufficient  
connections to be able to regurgitate their risk on the taxpayer. It is also  
interesting that Japanese companies, like Nomura's recent interest in Collins 
 Stewart, the British investment bank, are making purchases abroad.    We 
may be seeing Japan coming out of the collapse of credit and a property  
bubble, while we are heading into one.   This is like Einstein's  dilemma of 
looking so far ahead in a circular galaxy that we then see the back  of our 
heads. 
While we have been fixed on the spread of the collapse of liquidity and  
credit, the answers to fix the problem have been "old tech" those based in 
past  theories of governmental intervention when markets fail.    As  
Schumpeter argues in his analysis of Business Cycles (1939), these he noted are 
 
related to changing tempo in investments needed for the periodic renewal of  
productive forces.    However, he also saw that discovery of new  resources or 
invention and innovations could affect this tempo. 
Financial devices of the past 2 decades have been theorized to have been  
productive innovations.  This is debatable. Instead of productive  
innovations they seem to be in the class of wealth transfer devices,  
entertainment 
and gambling inventions (games, slot machines, etc.) and prestige  display 
(like the destruction of wealth in a Northwest Coast Native American  
potlatch).   
When looked at in this light, it appears as if there has been little  
productive innovation since the advances of biotechnology and internet 
expansion  
in the 1990s. There have been none in energy, certainly biofuels and 
ethanol  have been shown to be poor changes in existing technology and not very 
 
productive and raise the cost of food. The main overall change in technology  
investment in the past 8 years has been in security and military spending 
and  this has produced little in new technology and general applications.  
If there is a recession it is due to low real investment in the  developed 
countries and low saving and too much spending on luxury and  prestige goods 
in the Anglo-American sector and this includes a large segment of  spending 
in the housing area on renovations and overbuilding of large energy  
dependent housing units. 

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