Times of India
A time for hard lessons in China

Nayan ChandaNayan Chanda | Apr 14,  2012,
 
 



 
 


Until last month, all seemed to be in order  for a smooth succession of the 
top leadership in China. Riding three decades of  strong economic growth, 
expanding military power and influence, China's  one-party system seemed to 
have found the perfect formula for a stable  government. A unified party 
leading a harmonised China towards rebalancing the  economy and claiming world 
leadership was the accepted narrative. Suddenly,  things look rather 
uncertain.

The first crack in the facade of unity  appeared in early February when 
Chongqing's powerful police chief made an  unsuccessful bid to seek asylum in a 
US consulate. It was soon followed by his  boss Bo Xilai's dismissal from 
the provincial party secretary's job. This week  Bo's disgrace was complete 
with his suspension from the politburo and his wife's  detention on charges 
of murdering a British businessman. China has plunged into  a crisis not seen 
since the death of _Mao Zedong_ 
(http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/topic/Mao-Zedong)  and  the arrest of Gang 
of Four. Amidst rumours of massive 
corruption and political  intrigue dividing the top echelons of the party, an 
orderly succession later  this year looks doubtful. Even if the party manages 
to patch up its differences,  its prestige has been seriously damaged and it 
will continue to suffer from a  thousand cuts by online criticism.

In fact, the manner in which the _Bo Xilai  scandal_ 
(http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/topic/Bo-Xilai-scandal)  has exploded would 
have been 
impossible without nearly half of the  Chinese population being online and 
swapping 
comments and information in tens of  thousands of microblogs. Despite the 
government's attempt to block words like Bo  Xilai or _Chongqing_ 
(http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/topic/Chongqing)  from  microblogging sites 
and 
continuous deletion of offensive messages, the country's  innovative bloggers 
have found ways around the censors. Political opponents  inside the party have 
apparently been trying to settle scores by leaking  information to the 
bloggers - so much so that most of the internet rumours about  Bo have ended up 
as confirmed news within days. With every little lead, China's  bloggers 
both at home and overseas have pushed the envelope.

The spate of  stories now coming out in Hong Kong and foreign press, 
plausibly leaked by Bo's  opponents, about massive foreign assets held by his 
glamorous wife,  sisters-in-law and his elder brother, could be used to destroy 
them. Not only  could the rival faction take advantage of China's 
hyperactive blogosphere to  leak stories, foreign newspapers too have been 
digging, 
smelling blood in the  biggest story out of China. It is not an environment 
that is conducive to  containing the fallout for the party. The _Wall Street  
Journal_ (http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/topic/Wall-Street-Journal)  
reported that the British businessman who was allegedly poisoned by  Bo Xilai's 
wife had details of her foreign investment stored in a safe abroad.  
Perhaps the most explosive information about China's intra-party struggle could 
 
be held by the US as the Chongqing police chief spent one full day inside the 
 American consulate in Chengdu before "voluntarily" surrendering to China's 
 central police.

The party leadership is clearly worried about the impact  of its infighting 
coming out in the open and being intensely discussed by the  citizens. It 
has tried to spin the embarrassing story as evidence of the party's  
determination to root out corruption and uphold the rule of law. But to the  
citizens inured against years of endless talk of campaigns against corruption,  
the 
most important lesson from the Bo affair is the primacy of the party over  
state. Bo and his wife were first accused of violating party discipline and 
then  of breaking the law. It was the party's disciplinary commission that 
decided to  submit their case before the law enforcement authorities.

It is also  clear that over the past years, Bo and his police chief openly 
employed  extra-legal and strong-arm tactics in fighting crime and 
corruption. And some of  the central leadership even praised them for it. The 
party's 
sudden concern  about the illegality of Bo's action months before the 
organisation was to decide  whether to promote him to the highest body - the 
standing committee of the  politburo - has more to do with changing the power 
balance between factions than  with the rule of law.

Whether the rule of law triumphs or the party  continues its rule by law, 
the _Year of the  Dragon_ 
(http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/topic/Year-of-the-Dragon)  promises to be a 
significant year for China.

-- 
Centroids: The Center of the Radical Centrist Community 
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