Ernie :
Why are a set  of assumptions made repeatedly --not just by Posner--
to the effect that promoting manufacturing  and manufacturing jobs
must necessarily mean subsidies and  toleration for inefficiency ?
Similarly for protection, which many writers assume must mean
protecting inefficient  and obsolete plants and industries.
 
These kinds of assumptions are self serving  --and are assumed  by
people who think that unbridled free trade is always and necessarily
for the good. Which is nonsense. 
 
Free trade can be for the good ; but that does not  mean it will always
be for the good, and it may well undermine national security needs.
 
As for protection and manufacturing, we have been over this ground  before
so no need to repeat that discussion. But basically, whenever something  
gets
protected, gvt policy should insist upon efficiency and cost  effectiveness
as a price for that protection.
 
My view, anyway.
 
Billy
 
-----------------------------------------------------------
 
4/24/2012 9:20:46 A.M. Pacific Daylight  Time, [email protected] 
writes:

 
Contrarian but well-argued. I mostly  agree.  
E 

Decline of U.S.  Manufacturing—Posner
_http://www.becker-posner-blog.com/2012/04/decline-of-us-manufacturingposner
.html_ 
(http://www.becker-posner-blog.com/2012/04/decline-of-us-manufacturingposner.html)
   
____________________________________
  
 
The only secure ground for the  government’s subsidizing a producer is that 
the goods or services that he  sells are likely to confer external 
benefits, which is to say benefits that,  because they are not paid for by the 
buyers, do not contribute to covering the  producer’s costs. The total social 
benefits, private as well as public, that  his production creates may exceed 
his costs, but he will not produce if the  private benefits (the payment he 
receives from customers) do not cover those  costs.  
Some manufactured products, vaccines for  example, confer external 
benefits: when most of the population is vaccinated  against some disease, the 
risk 
to the rest of the population may be so slight  that they stop buying the 
vaccine: they are benefiting from it but not paying  for it. Another example 
is intellectual property that, in the absence of  patent or copyright 
protection, could easily be copied: the original producer  of the intellectual 
property would be conferring benefits on the copiers for  which he would not be 
paid.  
External benefits are actually rather  pervasive in manufacturing as in 
other sectors of the economy. For example,  consumers who value a product much 
more than its market value derive an  external benefit, because (by 
definition) the manufacturer does not capture  this “consumer surplus [value].” 
But 
there is no reason to think that  manufacturing confers greater external 
benefits than other  sectors.  
There is a general anxiety about becoming  dependent on foreign nations for 
products that are vital to our nation. That  is a legitimate concern when 
one is talking about products that are essential  for national security or 
economic welfare, such as military aircraft; and  obviously our military 
production is heavily and justifiably paid for largely  by the government, 
although some is paid for by foreign buyers. The foreign  “products” that might 
be thought essential to our security and welfare are not  manufactured goods 
at all, but commodities such as oil and rare earth metals.  The United 
States is still the world’s largest manufacturing country,  accounting for a 
fifth of total world industrial output.  
Becker points to the analogy of  agriculture. Employment in agriculture has 
plummeted, leading to anxieties  spurred by agricultural companies about 
the decline of the “family farm”  and the loss of the imagined virtues of the 
independent farmer, to combat  which agriculture continues to be heavily 
subsidized. The subsidies are widely  recognized to be a pure social waste, 
and the same would be true of  subsidizing manufacturing. Like manufacturing, 
American agriculture is  thriving with its historically small labor force.  
The decline in agricultural employment is  a product of technological 
advance, and likewise the decline in manufacturing  employment. Subsidizing 
manufacturing will no more increase employment in  manufacturing than 
subsidizing 
agriculture has prevented the precipitous  decline of agricultural 
employment, for a manufacturing subsidy will be used  to speed the automation 
of 
manufacturing tasks and so accelerate the decline  of manufacturing employment—
unless the subsidy is conditioned on increased  employment, which would  
mean diverting workers from more to less  productive work. We would not be 
better off if 40 percent of the labor force  were in farming rather than 2.5 
percent, or if 28 percent of the labor force  were in manufacturing rather than 
9 percent.  
Some concern has been expressed that we  need to boost manufacturing in 
order to reduce our trade imbalance, because  many manufactured goods are 
exported. But a recent article in the New York  Times (April 10) points out 
that 
the United States is the world’s largest  exporter of services—and would be 
larger still if we took steps, such as  loosening visa restrictions that 
impede international provisions of services  and making the same efforts to 
pry open foreign markets to American services  as we do to pry open foreign 
markets to American goods.  
The politicians know all these things. The  push to promote manufacturing 
is political in origin and may (one hopes will)  be abandoned after the 
election. Its political appeal is related partly to the  fact that unions still 
have a foothold in manufacturing, and partly to the  fact that America’s 
prowess in manufacturing (think of the vast output of  munitions in World War 
II) is associated in the public mind with the epoch of  greatest American 
world power.  
I have no objection to efforts to  negotiate with foreign countries trade 
agreements that facilitate U.S. exports  (they also of course facilitate 
imports—and that’s fine too). Such efforts are  the centerpiece of the 
Administration’s program of stimulating employment in  manufacturing. But the 
efforts should be extended to services. I can think of  no rational basis for 
putting manufacturing ahead of  services.
 
____________________________________
(via _Instapaper_ (http://www.instapaper.com/) )


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