4/24/2012 10:42:59 A.M. Pacific Daylight  Time, [email protected] 
writes:

What are you protecting  against?
 
( 1 )  Loss of American  jobs; protection of economy, including consumer 
driven  economy
( 2 )  Compromise of  American security, both military & cyber, and 
economic  security
 
 
If you're protecting against lower  cost foreign competition, isn't that 
the same as encouraging  inefficiency?
 
Absolutely not ;  that  argument, as I just said, assumes that any industry 
being  protected
will necessarily continue to  do business exactly as always. There is no 
reason to  make
any such  assumption.  Why is this assumption made ?  Free traders who are  
invested
in their ideology and simply  cannot see any interpretations but those that 
favor
the arguments they habitually  make, and labor unions.
 
 
 


If you're trying to protect against  the consequences of stupid managers, 
then aren't you protecting  stupidity?
 
This question is beside the  point.  
 
 
 


I'm with DRB and the libertarians in  this one. You can't regulate in a way 
that forces efficiency.
 
Why not ?    Regulations are now on the books requiring better fuel 
efficiency in  cars
on a time schedule over the  nest X number of years.  Similarly with 
respect to  local
building codes that now  require such things as better insulation for new 
homes
( energy use efficiency ). The  way it seems to me there  is no reason why 
protection cannot be attached  to something like bankruptcy processes,
in which a reorganized  industry ( protected industry ) would be free to
become more efficient by  renegotiating contracts, using more labor saving
equipment,  etc.
 
OK, there may not be as many  jobs in protected ( reorganized ) industries 
as before
but there still would be  some  jobs and , with them, some degree of the
jobs multiplier effect. MUCH  better than shipping a whole industry overseas
simply so that shareholders  can reap oversize profits.
 
 


Sure, as Posner says, there's a place  for ensuring fair trade on both 
sides, and protecting crucial munitions. But I  don't see any way to protect an 
industry without that protection distorting  the market. 
 
I don't agree that  distortions are always a concomitant but even if this 
was  true,
what is the justification for  invariably ignoring national security , 
which is
the prime ( prime ) argument  being made ?   The whole point is that 
some things are more  important than the bottom line. The corollary
is that in any number of  fields / industries it isn't necessary
to sacrifice efficiency.  
 
 
The arguments that you   --by no means only you--  seem to always make
assume that the only valid  yardstick is pure profitability. My yardstick
is actually at least two  yardsticks, profit and national security.  
Actually
I'd like to add # 3, cultural  / values as essential to a healthy society.
 
 
 
Saying all this my guess is  that your next rejoinder, if any, will once 
again
completely ignore national  security as a basic consideration.
 
Not saying that it would be  easy to always identify authentic national 
security  needs
nor that the effort would be  free of political pressures, just saying that
the effort is necessary and  that if there are trade offs that is better
than a policy that treats the  bottom line as all-sufficient, 
since it is not.   National security is more important.
 
Billy
 
 
=============================================
 


Maybe in a some cases the distortion  is worth it, but to deny the 
distortion is dangerous. 


E

Sent from my  iPhone

On Apr 24, 2012, at 10:20,  [email protected]_ (mailto:[email protected])  wrote:




 
 

Ernie :
Why are a set of  assumptions made repeatedly --not just by Posner--
to the effect that promoting  manufacturing and manufacturing jobs
must necessarily mean subsidies and  toleration for inefficiency ?
Similarly for protection, which many  writers assume must mean
protecting inefficient  and  obsolete plants and industries.
 
These kinds of assumptions are self  serving  --and are assumed by
people who think that unbridled free  trade is always and necessarily
for the good. Which is nonsense.  

Free trade can be for the  good ; but that does not mean it will always
be for the good, and it may well  undermine national security needs.
 
As for protection and manufacturing,  we have been over this ground before
so no need to repeat that  discussion. But basically, whenever something 
gets
protected, gvt policy should insist  upon efficiency and cost effectiveness
as a price for that  protection.
 
My view, anyway.
 
Billy
 
-----------------------------------------------------------
 
4/24/2012 9:20:46 A.M. Pacific  Daylight Time, 
[email protected]_ (mailto:[email protected])  writes:

 
Contrarian but well-argued. I mostly  agree.  
E 

Decline of U.S.  Manufacturing—Posner
_http://www.becker-posner-blog.com/2012/04/decline-of-us-manufacturingposner
.html_ 
(http://www.becker-posner-blog.com/2012/04/decline-of-us-manufacturingposner.html)
   
____________________________________
  
 
The only secure ground for the  government’s subsidizing a producer is that 
the goods or services that he  sells are likely to confer external 
benefits, which is to say benefits  that, because they are not paid for by the 
buyers, do not contribute to  covering the producer’s costs. The total social 
benefits, private as well  as public, that his production creates may exceed 
his costs, but he will  not produce if the private benefits (the payment he 
receives from  customers) do not cover those costs.  
Some manufactured products, vaccines  for example, confer external 
benefits: when most of the population is  vaccinated against some disease, the 
risk 
to the rest of the population  may be so slight that they stop buying the 
vaccine: they are benefiting  from it but not paying for it. Another example 
is intellectual property  that, in the absence of patent or copyright 
protection, could easily be  copied: the original producer of the intellectual 
property would be  conferring benefits on the copiers for which he would not be 
 
paid.  
External benefits are actually  rather pervasive in manufacturing as in 
other sectors of the economy. For  example, consumers who value a product much 
more than its market value  derive an external benefit, because (by 
definition) the manufacturer does  not capture this “consumer surplus [value].” 
But 
there is no reason to  think that manufacturing confers greater external 
benefits than other  sectors.  
There is a general anxiety about  becoming dependent on foreign nations for 
products that are vital to our  nation. That is a legitimate concern when 
one is talking about products  that are essential for national security or 
economic welfare, such as  military aircraft; and obviously our military 
production is heavily and  justifiably paid for largely by the government, 
although some is paid for  by foreign buyers. The foreign “products” that might 
be thought essential  to our security and welfare are not manufactured goods 
at all, but  commodities such as oil and rare earth metals. The United 
States is still  the world’s largest manufacturing country, accounting for a 
fifth of total  world industrial output.  
Becker points to the analogy of  agriculture. Employment in agriculture has 
plummeted, leading to anxieties  spurred by agricultural companies about 
the decline of the “family  farm” and the loss of the imagined virtues of the 
independent farmer, to  combat which agriculture continues to be heavily 
subsidized. The subsidies  are widely recognized to be a pure social waste, 
and the same would be  true of subsidizing manufacturing. Like manufacturing, 
American  agriculture is thriving with its historically small labor  force.  
The decline in agricultural  employment is a product of technological 
advance, and likewise the decline  in manufacturing employment. Subsidizing 
manufacturing will no more  increase employment in manufacturing than 
subsidizing 
agriculture has  prevented the precipitous decline of agricultural 
employment, for a  manufacturing subsidy will be used to speed the automation 
of  
manufacturing tasks and so accelerate the decline of manufacturing  employment—
unless the subsidy is conditioned on increased employment,  which would  
mean diverting workers from more to less productive  work. We would not be 
better off if 40 percent of the labor force were in  farming rather than 2.5 
percent, or if 28 percent of the labor force were  in manufacturing rather 
than 9 percent.  
Some concern has been expressed that  we need to boost manufacturing in 
order to reduce our trade imbalance,  because many manufactured goods are 
exported. But a recent article in the  New York Times (April 10) points out 
that 
the United States is  the world’s largest exporter of services—and would be 
larger still if we  took steps, such as loosening visa restrictions that 
impede international  provisions of services and making the same efforts to 
pry open foreign  markets to American services as we do to pry open foreign 
markets to  American goods.  
The politicians know all these  things. The push to promote manufacturing 
is political in origin and may  (one hopes will) be abandoned after the 
election. Its political appeal is  related partly to the fact that unions still 
have a foothold in  manufacturing, and partly to the fact that America’s 
prowess in  manufacturing (think of the vast output of munitions in World War 
II) is  associated in the public mind with the epoch of greatest American 
world  power.  
I have no objection to efforts to  negotiate with foreign countries trade 
agreements that facilitate U.S.  exports (they also of course facilitate 
imports—and that’s fine too). Such  efforts are the centerpiece of the 
Administration’s program of stimulating  employment in manufacturing. But the 
efforts should be extended to  services. I can think of no rational basis for 
putting manufacturing ahead  of services.
 
____________________________________
(via _Instapaper_ (http://www.instapaper.com/) )


Sent from my  iPhone
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