Geert Wilders of the Netherlands  reveals a resurgent far right in Europe

 
 
 
By _Anthony Faiola_ 
(http://www.washingtonpost.com/anthony-faiola/2011/02/25/ABOKXCJ_page.html) , 
Monday, April 30, 2012 
The Washington Post  

 
 
< 
AMSTERDAM — Europe’s most controversial  politician lives in a government 
safe house fitted with a panic room and guarded  round the clock. A 
self-avowed foe of Islam who compared the Koran to Adolf  Hitler’s Mein Kampf 
and 
called for a ban on Muslim immigrants, he travels by  bulletproof car and 
rarely talks with journalists — choosing instead to funnel  messages directly 
to 
supporters via Twitter and a personal blog. 
But when Geert Wilders — dubbed “Mozart” for his bleached-blond bouffant 
hair  – brought down the Dutch government last week in an extraordinary show 
of force  by Europe’s resurgent far right, it wasn’t over his high-profile 
war on Islam.  Instead, it was part of his emphasis on another belief he and 
his Freedom Party  now see as almost equally dangerous: an integrated  
Europe.



 
The rise of Wilders in the Netherlands is a cautionary tale for a continent 
 in the midst of a _debt crisis_ 
(http://www.washingtonpost.com/world/europe-crisis-creeps-back-into-danger-zone/2012/04/20/gIQABIcEWT_story.html)
 , 
and where painful recessions, soaring  unemployment and surging youth apathy 
are fueling the strongest swell of support  in decades for anti-immigrant 
nationalists.  
For more than a generation, European political elites have sought to fuse 
the  region together by adopting the euro and a series of treaties that 
virtually  erased national borders across a vast swath of the continent. But in 
the recent  surge of the nationalist far right, and to lesser extent the far 
left, European  leaders are confronting not only a backlash to a united 
Europe but also a  troubling new hurdle in their efforts to resolve the 21 / 
2-year-old  debt crisis. 
>From France to Austria, Greece to Finland, the popularity of nationalists 
is  growing as politicians like Wilders tap into voter rage not only over the 
crisis  itself, but also over the proposed cure being pushed by mighty 
Germany: harsh  rounds of government cuts and difficult economic overhauls to 
restore investor  confidence in Europe’s governments. 
That austerity crusade is already in danger of derailing, with even 
moderate  leaders, including Italian Prime Minister Mario Monti, now saying 
deep 
cuts are  driving Europe’s economies into the ground. Other critics, 
meanwhile, are  arguing the social pain from austerity is playing into the 
hands of 
politicians  on the far right and left, who are portraying the cuts as part 
of a pattern that  has seen European integration eat away at living standards 
across traditionally  affluent Western Europe.
 
Even German Chancellor Angela Merkel has softened her rhetoric in recent  
days, playing up the need for policies that favor growth, though she 
continues  to view fiscal discipline as a necessary tonic for Europe’s 
troubles. 
European  Central Bank President Mario Draghi, also a fiscal hawk, called last 
week for a  “growth compact,” and European leaders appear likely to work 
out a series of  modest policy changes in late June. 
In the turmoil of the debt crisis, ideas long held by European radicals are 
 going mainstream as centrist politicians seek to find their way in a sea 
of  discontent. In France, for instance, Marine Le Pen of the National Front 
stunned  observers by winning almost one out of every five votes in the 
first round of  presidential elections a week ago on a platform that would have 
seen Paris  withdraw from the euro and buck the German-led austerity drive. 
Now on the ropes  against his Socialist opponent, President Nicolas Sarkozy 
is currying the favor  of the far-right ahead of the decisive second vote, 
vowing to pull France out of  the region’s open-borders treaty if 
negotiations underway to stem the tide of  transplants from poorer quarters of 
Europe 
do not succeed in the months ahead. 
 
In crisis-devastated Greece, opinion polls ahead  of the May 6 elections 
show the once-obscure Golden Dawn — which wants to plant  landmines on the 
country’s borders to protect against illegal immigrants — is on  a surprise 
track to win seats in parliament. Austria’s far-right Freedom Party  is 
running strong in opinion polls and last year, Finland’s nationalist True  
Finns 
Party took a record 19 percent of the vote. 
“It is now only a matter of time before one of these parties gets into 
power  and tries to pull the rug out from under the euro,” said Maurice de 
Hond, 
a  leading Dutch political pollsters. “If it doesn’t happen in the 
Netherlands, it  will happen somewhere else in Europe. I am sure of it.”
 
Tried for inciting hate 
 
Here in the Netherlands, Wilders, 48, rose from political obscurity during  
the past decade to become one of the most influential far-right politicians 
in  Europe.  
Wilders – who spent time in his youth on an Israeli kibbutz — is 
pro-Israel  and staunchly anti-Islam. Describing Islam as a religion of 
violence and 
hate  that wants to “enslave” the West, he has called for the closure of 
Muslim  schools, made a high profile anti-Muslim film and wants forced 
registration of  all Dutch citizens holding two passports. 
In 2010, he was put on trial on charges of inciting hate, though observers  
say the perceived liberal bias of judges and his eventual acquittal only  
elevated his popularity. It served him well at the ballot box, with his  
six-year-old party winning so many seats in elections later that year that the  
center-right government required his support to stay in power.  
His attempts to portray himself as a victim of the liberal elite has made 
him  a darling of the right in the United States, where he has secured space 
on the  Wall Street Journal’s op-ed page. Wilders is now set to promote a 
new book  published in the United States this week, Marked for Death, Islam’s 
War Against  the West and Me. 
Yet he also defies easy political description. Wilders is, for instance, a  
strong supporter of same-sex marriage. And he has been nothing if not a 
savvy  reader of the political winds. Earlier this year, political observers 
say he  made the calculation to seize on Europe’s debt crisis. The move seemed 
 politically well timed, as the economically strong and fiscally 
conservative  Dutch suddenly found themselves in recession and struggling to 
enact 
budget cuts  demanded by European agreements. 
“He is master at capitalizing on fear,” said Jozias Van Aarsten, mayor of 
The  Hague and elder statesmen from the Liberal Party, which Wilders broke 
with in  2004. 
Targeting Poles  
In February, Wilder’s party launched a Web site targeting the Polish  
immigrants who had come by the thousands as the Netherlands opened its door to  
more workers from poorer parts of the European Union in the mid-2000s. The 
site  invited Dutch citizens to report Eastern Europeans for doing anything 
from  “taking your parking spaces” to “taking your jobs.”  
Malgorzata Karczewska, who runs a Polish language news site in the  
Netherlands, said many Dutch seemed embarrassed by the move, but the Web site  
also 
brought latent animosity to the surface. One Polish migrant, she said,  
repeatedly had her tires slashed. Others were insulted in public for speaking  
Polish. A week after the site came out, Karczewska said a waitress accused 
her  of stealing cutlery while dining at a fine restaurant. “After 9/11, he 
made all  Muslims the scapegoat in Holland,” she said. “Now, it’s the Poles.”
 
In March, Wilders accelerated his anti-Europe line, openly calling for the  
Netherlands to abandon the euro. Positioning himself as a champion of the  
working class, he refused to sign on to budget cuts demanded by European  
leaders, causing the government to fall and forcing Prime Minister Mark Rutte 
to  tender his resignation last week.  
Though scrambling Dutch parties reached a key budget deal Thursday, 
analysts  warned that the nation still faces months of political turmoil and a 
possible  loss of its cherished AAA credit rating. 
Opinion polls suggest that Wilders may have taken at least a temporary hit 
by  forcing the fall of the government this week, but observers say he is 
banking on  domestic anxiety over crisis to crest come early Election Day in 
September.  
“We are against Europe,” Wilders, unbowed, said this week. “We are against 
 the euro.”

-- 
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