NYT
 
_Steven  Rattner_ 
(http://opinionator.blogs.nytimes.com/category/steven-rattner/)  | January 19, 
2013  
India Is Losing the Race

 
As recently as 2006, when I first visited India and China, the economic 
race  was on, with heavy bets being placed on which one would win the 
developing world  sweepstakes. 
Many Westerners fervently hoped that a democratic country would triumph  
economically over an autocratic regime. 
Now the contest is emphatically over. China has lunged into the 21st 
century,  while India is still lurching toward it. 
That’s evident not just in columns of dry statistics but in the rhythm and  
sensibility of each country. While China often seems to eradicate its past 
as it  single-mindedly constructs its future, India nibbles more judiciously 
at its  complex history. 
Visits to crowded Indian urban centers unleash sensory assaults: colorful  
dress and lilting chatter provide a backdrop to every manner of commerce, 
from  small shops to peddlers to beggars. That makes for engaging tourism, but 
not the  fastest economic development. In contrast to China’s 
full-throated,  monochromatic embrace of large-scale manufacturing, India more 
closely 
resembles  a nation of shopkeepers. 
To be sure, India has achieved enviable success in business services, like  
the glistening call centers in Bangalore and elsewhere. But in the global  
jousting for manufacturing jobs, India does not get its share. 
Now, after years of rocketing growth, China’s gross domestic product per  
capita of $9,146 is more than twice India’s. And its economy grew by 7.7 
percent  in 2012, while India expanded at a (hardly shabby) 5.3 percent rate. 
The New York Times 
China’s investment rate of 48 percent of G.D.P. — a key metric for  
development — also exceeded India’s. At 36 percent, India’s number is robust,  
particularly in comparison with Western countries. But the impact of that  
spending can be hard to discern; on a recent 12-day visit to India, not many  
rupees appeared to have been lavished on Mumbai’s glorious _Victoria 
Terminus_ (http://whc.unesco.org/en/list/945) , also known as  Chhatrapati 
Shivaji 
Terminus, since it was constructed in the 1880s. Parts of  Mumbai’s recently 
built financial district — Bandra Kurla Complex — already look  aged, 
perhaps because of cheap construction or poor maintenance or both. It’s  hardly 
a 
serious competitor to Shanghai’s shiny Pudong. 
China has 16 subway systems to India’s 5. As China builds a superhighway to 
 Tibet, Indian drivers battle potholed roads that they share with every 
manner of  vehicle and live animal. India’s electrical grid is still largely 
government  controlled, which helped contribute to a disastrous blackout last 
summer that  affected more than 600 million people. 
Yet Morgan Stanley stands resolutely behind its 2010 prediction that India  
will be growing faster than China by the middle of this decade. 
It isn’t going to happen, India’s better demographics notwithstanding. 
For one thing, many of India’s youths are unskilled and work as peddlers or 
 not at all. For another, despite all the reforms instituted by India since 
its  move away from socialism in 1991, much more would have to change. 
Corruption,  inefficiency, restrictive trade practices and labor laws have to 
be 
 addressed. 
Democratic it may be, but India’s ability to govern is compromised by  
suffocating bureaucracy, regular arm-wrestling with states over prerogatives  
like taxation and deeply embedded property rights that make implementing  
China-scale development projects impossible. Unable to modernize its horribly  
congested cities, India’s population has remained more rural than China’s,  
further depressing growth. 
“China” and “corruption” may be almost synonymous to many, but India was  
ranked even worse in corruption in Transparency International’s annual 
_Corruption Perceptions  Index_ (http://www.transparency.org/cpi2012/results) . 
At its best, the Indian justice system — a British legacy — grinds  
exceptionally slowly. 
To be sure, summary executions don’t occur in India, and its legal system 
is  more transparent and rule-based than China’s. But a recent visit 
coincided with  the tragic gang rape of a young Indian woman that led to her 
death; 
the  government’s ham-handed initial response was to ban protesters from 
assembling  and impound vans with tinted windows like the one in which she was 
abducted. 
India’s rigid social structure limits intergenerational economic mobility 
and  fosters acceptance of vast wealth disparities. In Mumbai, where more 
than half  the population lives in slums often devoid of electricity or running 
water,  Mukesh Ambani spent a reported $1 billion to construct a _27-story  
home_ 
(http://www.businessinsider.com/antilia-mumbai-most-expensive-house-mukesh-ambani-2012-5?op=1)
  in a residential neighborhood. 
Don’t get me wrong — I am hardly advocating totalitarian government. But 
we  need to recognize that success for developing countries is about more 
than free  elections. 
While India may not have the same “eye on the prize” so evident in China, 
it  should finish a respectable second in the developing world sweepstakes. 
It just  won’t beat China.

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