So what do you think?  Fair election?  It seems as if they have a reasonably
good system, according to some TV commentary I saw last night.  Chris

 

 

From: [email protected]
[mailto:[email protected]] On Behalf Of [email protected]
Sent: Tuesday, April 16, 2013 2:04 PM
To: [email protected]
Cc: [email protected]
Subject: [RC] Venezuela election --unexpected close outcome, disputed
results

 

 

 

Foreign Policy

 


 
<http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2013/04/15/hollow_victory_maduro_vene
zuela> Hollow Victory


In the wake of Venezuela's contested election, will Nicolás Maduro bring the
fractured country together or tear it apart? 


BY PETER WILSON | APRIL 15, 2013 


 

LA VICTORIA, Venezuela — Marcos Oropeza is sure that Henrique Capriles
Radonski won Sunday, April 14's presidential election; Venezuela's National
Electoral Council (CNE) says otherwise. 

"The council allowed the government to steal the election," says Oropeza,
34, a heavy-equipment operator in the north-central state of Aragua. "They
turned a blind eye to [acting President Nicolás] Maduro and his use of state
funds during the campaign, and they turned a blind eye to the constant
propaganda that flowed on the state television station. And now they say
that Capriles lost? I have my doubts, and I am sure there are millions of
people like me." 

Maduro won the snap election -- called following the March 5 death of Hugo
Chávez, who had himself won reelection over Capriles in October 2012 -- with
7.505 million votes, or 50.7 percent. Capriles, who polls had trailing far
behind Maduro, racked up 7.270 million, or 49.1 percent, according to the
CNE
<http://resultados.cne.gob.ve/resultado_presidencial_2013/r/1/reg_000000.htm
l> . But Capriles immediately called foul
<http://www.washingtonpost.com/world/the_americas/capriles-refuses-to-conced
e-venezuela-presidential-election-demands-recount/2013/04/15/4db19c9e-a5eb-1
1e2-a8e2-5b98cb59187f_story.html>  and said he wouldn't accept the results
unless the agency undertook a full audit. 

"We are not going to recognize the results until every vote is counted,"
said Capriles
<http://en.mercopress.com/2013/04/15/capriles-won-t-accept-presidential-resu
lt-until-every-vote-is-recounted-one-by-one>  after the CNE released
preliminary results. "The people's voice is sacred and needs to be
respected. The people's will is everything." 

At least one CNE board member, Vicente Díaz, also called for a full recount,
citing irregularities during the vote ranging from intimidation to posting
campaign posters too close to ballot sites. The unfolding impasse promises
to plunge Venezuela into its worst political crisis since a 2004 recall vote
against Chávez resulted in almost a yearlong governmental and economic
paralysis. 

"This is the worst possible political scenario," says Risa Grais-Targow, an
analyst with the Eurasia Group. "Maduro is facing doubts about his
legitimacy and is going to face challenges from both within and outside his
political base." 

That's bad news for Venezuela, which is suffering through a grim economic
malaise though it sits atop the world's largest oil reserves. Politically,
the country is polarized into roughly two equal parts, each diametrically
opposed to each other. 

"I think Maduro won, but I can't be sure," says Jose Luis Tinaco, 38, a
computer technician in Caracas who voted for Maduro. "I thought he would
have won by hundreds of thousands of votes. Instead, he just managed to get
by, and who knows what he did to win. I really wonder what is going to
happen now." 

Maduro's poor showing surprised many. At the start of the campaign, the
mustachioed former bus driver was thought to be invincible. Not only did he
have access to the government's financial resources, but he also had
Chávez's political party mechanism firmly behind him. 

Maduro, who had been named vice president shortly before his predecessor's
death, also took pains to remind voters that the vote was a referendum on
his former boss's legacy. He constantly called himself a "son of Chávez" and
tried to imitate his predecessor at every opportunity. He adopted Chávez's
folksy speaking style and often broke into song or dance at campaign
rallies. 

Unsurprisingly, most polls forecast that Maduro would win by between 5 and
15 percentage points. Maduro himself boasted
<http://www.unoticias.com.uy/2013/04/12/internacionales/maduro-aseguro-que-g
anara-con-10-millones-de-votos/>  that he would gain 10 million votes and
smash Capriles in the process. But a series of missteps -- including the
absurd claim that Chávez had appeared to him as a bird
<http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2013/04/09/an_election_for_the_birds_
venezuela_maduro>  while he was praying -- marred his campaign. 

"Maduro ran on emotion, and that was a mistake," says Tarek Yorde, a
Caracas-based political analyst. "Capriles addressed the real problems of
everyday life." 

The country's worsening economic situation also played a huge role. After
February's 33 percent devaluation of the bolívar, inflation -- already the
highest in the region -- worsened. Shortages of basic foodstuffs such as
cornmeal, sugar, coffee, cooking oil, and meat became severer. 

"The bolívar isn't worth anything anymore," says Antonio Alvarez, 63, a farm
laborer in the village of El Consejo, Aragua, who voted against Chavismo for
the first time in 14 years. "I support my family back in Colombia, and the
devaluation killed me. I can't buy anything with the bolívar now. And it's
Maduro's fault." 

Overall, there was a shift from the October presidential vote of about 4.5
percent of the voters to Capriles, estimates Mark Weisbrot, co-director for
the Center for Economic and Policy Research. "Shortages, the devaluation,
and inflation were all to blame," he says. 

To ensure that the election would be held as close to within 30 days of
Chávez's death, a stipulation mandated by the Venezuelan Constitution, the
CNE dictated a short campaign of only 10 days. Critics charged that Maduro
actually had been campaigning since December, as he had been one of the few
people to know the gravity of Chávez's illness. "If the election had been
held in June, Maduro would have lost," says Yorde. 

Capriles, the 40-year-old governor of Miranda state, promised Sunday night
to press the CNE to address more than 3,200 irregularities that his backers
submitted during the vote. One video showed a red-shirted Maduro backer
escorting voters to the polling booth, in clear violation of laws that say
voters must have complete privacy while voting. More than 40 people -- from
both parties -- were arrested for electoral offenses during the vote. 

At a news conference Monday, Capriles asked the CNE not to proclaim Maduro
the winner until a recount is done. He said he intendeds to deliver
documents alleging violations Tuesday and called for a protest Monday at 8
p.m. 

The CNE, which is theoretically independent but in practice very
politicized, has been under constant attack since the 2004 referendum on
Chávez. Capriles and his backers have charged the agency with bias and
turning a blind eye to the government's alleged abuses, including the use of
state funds to finance Maduro's campaign. 

"The CNE director, Tibisay Lucena, made a huge mistake when she attended
Chávez's funeral wearing a pro-government armband," says Yorde. "That only
reinforced suspicions that the agency was biased." 

Making matters worse was the revelation
<http://venezuela.diariocritico.com/noticias/psuv/oposicion/ramon-guillermo-
aveledo/clave/407051>  a few days before the vote that a Maduro supporter
had the access code for all the country's voting machines. Speaking on
behalf of the CNE, Lucena said that the supporter's possession of the codes
wasn't a grave offense, further raising suspicions about her impartiality.
Now, the agency will have to decide whether to audit all the ballot boxes,
as Capriles has demanded, or just the 54 percent warranted by law. "I don't
think the agency has the technical ability to audit all of the ballot
boxes," says Yorde. 

A full recount could take weeks. 

And as the politicians dicker, Venezuelans will continue to suffer as the
country's economic crisis worsens. Although poverty was reduced under
Chávez, the economy has been hard hit by mismanagement, price and foreign
exchange controls, and a plethora of subsidies, which have been fixed costs
for the government. 

"Maduro will be facing big economic challenges in six, seven months," says
Yorde. "And he has two options: He can either opt to turn to the center, or
he can become more radical." 

If he adopts the former, he may run afoul of Chavistas who are loath to
abandon any of the late president's policies. In that camp is the powerful
finance and planning minister, Jorge Giordani, who is aligned with Elías
Jaua, the foreign minister and former vice president. 

The problem is that Maduro's slight margin of victory will hinder his
ability to forge alliances necessary to take meaningful steps to address
economic issues. Yorde said Maduro may try to bring some opposition parties,
including Acción Democrática, a party Chávez particularly scorned, into his
government. 

Either way, Maduro will have his hands full, grappling with a country not
only divided but in economic peril. And his tenuous legitimacy as the heir
to Venezuela's outsized leader has many wondering whether he's the right man
for the job. "Maduro is no Chávez," says Oropeza. "He should recognize that
even with all of the state money he used for his campaign, he still couldn't
win. He is a poor imitation of Chávez." 

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