The National Interest
 
 
The  Crushing of Middle Eastern Christianity

 
 
 
 
_Richard L.  Russell_ 
(http://nationalinterest.org/profile/richard-l-russell)  

|  
May 10, 2013


 
Americans of all political stripes have embraced the promotion of democracy 
 as a centerpiece of U.S. foreign policy. But this American democracy 
crusade has  caused huge, and largely overlooked, collateral damage since the 
9/11 Al Qaeda  attacks against the United States in 2001. The fall of 
authoritarian regimes  throughout the greater Middle East has fueled growing 
persecution of minority  Christian communities. The Pew Research Center has 
charted 
extensive government  restrictions on non-Muslim religions in numerous 
countries, including Egypt,  Saudi Arabia, Afghanistan, Iran, Tunisia, Syria, 
Yemen and Algeria. Pew also has  gauged very high social hostilities in 
Pakistan, Iraq, Yemen, the Palestinian  territories, Egypt and Saudi Arabia.  
These government restrictions and social hostilities directed against  
Christians are causing many to flee the region. In the early twentieth century, 
 
Christians accounted for about 20 percent of the Middle East population, 
but now  that figure is down to only 5 percent. In the aftermath of 9/11 and 
the “Arab  Spring,” Christian communities throughout the greater Middle East 
find  themselves increasingly besieged. While the United States seems to 
notice bits  and pieces of this picture, the full magnitude of the horrific 
Christian plight  is largely ignored. 
Sieges against Christians in Lands “Liberated” by the American  Military 
A democracy enthusiast would anticipate that the Christian community would 
be  thriving now that a “democratic” Afghan government was installed by 
American  military power after the ouster in 2001 of the Taliban regime. After 
all,  Afghanistan’s constitution, adopted in 2004, guarantees freedom of 
religion. But  Afghan Christians today are compelled to worship in secret lest 
they be accused  of apostasy for converting to Christianity from Islam, a 
charge punishable by  death. Such persecution no doubt will grow after 2014, 
when American soldiers  are largely gone and Washington is less able to 
influence the government in  Kabul. 
Across a troublesome border, Pakistan’s blasphemy laws are wielded more and 
 more aggressively against Christians by a weak civilian government propped 
up by  Pakistan’s Islamized military and society. Christians, who make up 
only about 2  percent of Pakistan’s 180 million people, are living under 
growing fear of  persecution and economic discrimination. The assassination in 
March 2011 of the  only Christian minister in Pakistan, who bravely 
criticized harsh blasphemy laws  that impose the death penalty for insulting 
Islam, 
has chilled the willingness  of secular and liberal Pakistanis to speak out. 
Iraq’s open warfare against its Christian community has led to a mass 
exodus  of Christians from that country since the 2003 American and British 
military  invasion ousted Saddam Hussein, whose repugnant regime was 
nevertheless 
 relatively hospitable to Christians. Iraqi Christians are severely 
embattled by  Sunni extremists linked to Al Qaeda and are discriminated against 
by 
Iraq’s Shia  majority, largely in control of the government. Incidents such 
as the 2010  suicide bombing of Our Lady of Salvation Church in Baghdad, 
which killed fifty  Christians and two priests, have terrified Iraq’s Christian 
population, which  has dwindled to less than 500,000 from between 800,000 
and 1.4 million in the  time of Saddam. 
Sieges against Christians in Lands Coping with the Arab Spring 
The current Egyptian regime, dominated by the Muslim Brotherhood, poses a 
far  greater threat to Egypt’s sizable Coptic Christian community than its  
authoritarian predecessor under Hosni Mubarak. A Coptic church in Cairo was 
set  ablaze by Islamists in 2011 and many Copts—an estimated 10 percent of 
Egypt’s 85  million people—live in fear that Egypt is on the path to being 
governed by  Islamic law, or Sharia. In early April 2013, Egypt’s police sided 
with an angry  crowd of young Muslims throwing rocks and firebombs in a 
siege of Egypt’s major  Coptic Cathedral. Nor have Egyptian Copts, who have 
sought work in neighboring  Libya, fared well in the chaos that has reined in 
that country since the fall of  Muammar Gaddafi. Christians were shocked in 
December 2012 by the bombing of a  church in Misrata, Libya. That attack has 
stoked fears that Libyan Islamists are  growing in power and more such 
attacks against Christians are in store. 
Islamists also are emerging as a powerful force in Syria, generating fears  
that, should they gain power, they would persecute Syria’s Christian 
community.  About three hundred thousand Christian Syrians have already fled 
the 
country and  are refugees. A Christian patriarch in April 2013 warned, “The 
future of  Christians in Syria is threatened not by Muslims but by…chaos…and 
the  infiltration of uncontrollable fanatical fundamentalist groups.” 
Now Syria’s violence is spilling over into neighboring Lebanon. The Shia  
Islamist group Hezbollah is flexing its military muscles and lending support 
to  embattled Syrian forces. Many Lebanese Christians have fled over the 
years due  to civil war and, more recently, in fear that Hezbollah eventually 
will control  the country and turn it into an Islamic state. Christians made 
up about fifty  percent of the country in 1932, during the last national 
census, but now by some  estimates are only 34 percent of the population. A 
similar trend has long been  under way in the Christian Palestinian community, 
caught in the middle of the  conflict between the Israelis on one side and 
secular and Islamist Palestinians  on the other. The Catholic Patriarch of 
Jerusalem has lamented that the Holy  Land is fast becoming a “spiritual 
Disneyland,” with holy sites as theme park  attractions bereft of worshipping 
Christians. 
In the small, rich Arab Gulf states, Christian communities, formed 
primarily  by Asian immigrate workers, quietly practice their faith, but that 
isn’t  
happening in the region’s powerhouse Saudi Arabia. Qatar, for example, has  
allowed the construction of a Catholic church in Doha for one hundred and 
fifty  thousand Catholics. Churches in Kuwait, Bahrain and the United Arab 
Emirates are  seen as a way to lure expatriate labor to those countries. These 
Gulf States  have survived the political torrents of the Arab spring, but 
should they fall to  street protests, successor regimes likely would resemble 
Saudi Arabia today,  which forbids Christian worship by the estimated eight 
hundred thousand  Catholics in the kingdom. The Saudi government publicly 
lauds interfaith  dialogue, but Saudi-sponsored conferences take place 
outside the kingdom to  avoid domestic religious-political backlashes from 
Saudi 
Arabia’s Wahhabi  religious establishment. 
Sieges against Christians in Non-Arab Middle East Lands 
The tightening sieges of Christian communities in the Arab Middle East is  
running parallel to sieges laid against Christian communities by non-Arab  
Muslims elsewhere in the region. The Assyrian Christian population in Iran 
has  plummeted from about one hundred thousand in the mid-1970s to about 
fifteen  thousand today. More than three hundred Christians have been arrested 
by 
Iran’s  Islamic regime since mid-2010. Churches operate in fear. And 
Christian converts  face persecution. Meanwhile, Turkey is praised in the West 
as 
a democratic  success story in the Muslim world, and the government in 
Ankara often is  characterized in the media as “mildly Islamic.” But the steady 
erosion of  free-speech rights in Turkey, as evidenced by the increasing 
imprisonment of  journalists and the government’s aggressive purging of the 
secular Turkish  military, raises doubts about the future prospects for Turkish 
political and  religious tolerance. Attacks against Christian leaders in 
Turkey have raised  concerns about the security of roughly one hundred 
thousand Christians living in  a country of 71 million Muslims. A Catholic 
bishop 
was stabbed to death in  southern Turkey in 2010, and several years earlier a 
Catholic priest was  murdered in a Turkish town along the Black Sea. 
Demand for Blunt American Talk and Diplomacy 
Democracies consist of more than just elections. They must also have 
divided  powers among executive, legislative and judicial branches, as well as 
protected  practices of freedom of expression and religious belief. The 
mistreatment of  Christian communities throughout the Muslim Middle East 
powerfully 
undermines  any assertion that Islamic societies are tolerant of other 
faiths, and will  continue to rebuke such assertions so long as the regimes and 
societies writ  large fail to protect Christian minorities with words and 
deeds. 
The United States cannot be the world’s policeman in behalf of democracy 
and  religious tolerance. The horrendous loss of our national treasure, both 
in  fallen soldiers and enormous costs, vividly and painfully reminds 
Americans that  we lack the power, means and interests to militarily intervene 
wherever there is  human tragedy. Nevertheless, Americans ought to recognize 
that the “soft power”  of rhetoric and diplomacy can influence world events at 
the margins. Regimes in  the greater Middle East, like nation-states 
everywhere, want power and prestige  in international relations, and they can 
be “
shamed” in the eyes of world  opinion. Washington should seek to embarrass 
governments and pressure them to  lift the sieges of Christians that are now 
so prevalent throughout the Middle  East. Then we would see whether they 
truly aspire to be called, and treated as,  genuine democracies. 
Richard L. Russell is Professor of National Security Affairs at the Near  
East and South Asia Center for Strategic Studies. He is the author of 
_Sharpening  Strategic Intelligence_ 
(http://www.amazon.com/gp/product/0521702372/ref=as_li_ss_tl?ie=UTF8&camp=1789&creative=390957&creativeASIN=0521702372&link
Code=as2&tag=thenatiinte-20) , _Weapons  Proliferation and War in the 
Greater Middle East_ 
(http://www.amazon.com/gp/product/0415365864/ref=as_li_ss_tl?ie=UTF8&camp=1789&creative=390957&creativeASIN=0415365864&linkCode=as2&tag=t
henatiinte-20) , and _George  F. Kennan’s Strategic Thought_ 
(http://www.amazon.com/gp/product/0275964027/ref=as_li_ss_tl?ie=UTF8&camp=1789&creative=390
957&creativeASIN=0275964027&linkCode=as2&tag=thenatiinte-20) .

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