I will make one prediction that is solid about the 2014 election.  The
republicans will take a senate seat from the democrats in Montana. Max
Baucus (D) is retiring.  The new senator will be Steve Daines (R) first term
congressman (our only congressman) from Montana.  I talked with both of
these politicians last week... Baucus at a chance meeting at the airport,
and Daines at a small BBQ with church friends (we go to the same church).
He hasn't formally announced his candidacy, but because ex-Governor Brian
Schweitzer (D) is not running, I believe that Daines will run and it won't
even be close.  He will be our next Senator.

 

If you recall, I called Romney, and then Obama, early in 2012.  Consult your
bookie early about the Montana senate race.

 

Chris  

 

 

From: [email protected]
[mailto:[email protected]] On Behalf Of [email protected]
Sent: Tuesday, July 23, 2013 4:57 PM
To: [email protected]
Cc: [email protected]
Subject: [RC] Charlie Cook's crystal ball

 

 

 

National Journal


Both Parties Need to Keep an Eye on Older Voters for 2014 Elections


The electorate has changed since the 2010 midterms, and this segment - which
voted Republican in the last two elections - appears to be shifting in
recent surveys.


By Charlie Cook <http://www.nationaljournal.com/reporters/bio/2>  


July 22, 2013 | 


This week, I had the opportunity to listen in on a briefing call led by
Democratic pollster Stan Greenberg of Democracy Corps and Page Gardner,
founder and president of the Women's Voices Women's Vote Action Fund. Based
on their findings from a recent survey by Democratic firm Greenberg Quinlan
Rosner Research that focused specifically on the women's vote, four
conclusions can be suggested.

First, while the Democratic Party and congressional Democrats boast brands
still in disfavor with the public, the Republican Party's and congressional
Republicans' brands are in much worse shape. In terms of party leaders,
voters' view of President Obama is barely lukewarm, but their attitude
toward House Speaker John Boehner is downright chilly.

Second, a 2014 midterm-election electorate will not closely resemble the
2012 presidential electorate; it looks about 3 points more Republican than
the turnout from last November.

Third, Democrats desperately need an unnaturally strong turnout among what
Greenberg and Gardner call the "Rising American Electorate"-unmarried women,
younger voters (ages 18-29), and minorities-to create a result anything like
last year, when Democrats edged out Republicans in the national popular vote
for Congress, 49.2 percent to 48.0 percent, with Democrats gaining eight
seats in Congress.

Fourth, Democrats are closely watching the voting pattern of older
Americans, a group that voted heavily Republican in the 2010 midterm and, to
a lesser extent, in 2012; in March and July surveys, older voters' responses
are showing only about half the GOP margin they voted last November and
about a quarter of the Republican margin in the 2010 midterm election. It's
unclear what exactly is going on, but this formerly strong Democratic group
had moved pretty heavily against Democrats and Obama since he took office.
Some signs indicate, however, this trend could be diminishing somewhat. And
because older voters tend to vote in disproportionately higher numbers in
midterm elections, any changes could be important.

The overall national survey was of 950 people who voted in last year's
presidential election, of whom 841 appeared to be likely 2014 midterm
election voters. An over-sample of 200 additional unmarried women were
interviewed to allow a closer examination of that subgroup, but their
numbers were weighted to the appropriate level for the overall survey
numbers. Fifty percent of respondents were reached on their cell phones.

The overall survey showed the Democratic Party with a net favorable rating
of minus 4 points, 41 percent favorable to 45 percent unfavorable; while the
Republican Party's net rating was minus 17 points, 30 percent favorable to
47 percent unfavorable. Consistent with that result, "Democrats in Congress"
scored a minus 11 points, 35 percent favorable to 46 percent unfavorable,
while "Republicans in Congress" got just a 26 percent favorable, 49 percent
unfavorable rating; 42 percent said they strongly disapprove, not quite
double the percentage that approve, either strongly or only somewhat.

President Obama got a lukewarm rating of plus 6 points, 48 percent favorable
to 42 percent unfavorable, while Boehner was at a dismal minus 18 points, 25
percent favorable to 43 percent unfavorable. Democrats shouldn't gloat too
much over this disparity, though, because midterm elections tend to be
referenda on the president, not on the House speaker. In terms of job
approval, 46 percent said they approve of Obama's performance in office,
down 2 points from a previous study in this series in March. In both studies
his disapproval was at 49 percent.

While Democrats had a narrow 2-point advantage on the generic congressional
ballot test among all voters, 44 percent to 42 percent, among those seen as
most likely to vote next year, the electorate tilted slightly the other
direction, to a 1-point edge for the GOP, 44 percent to 43 percent. It is
important to note that the generic congressional ballot test question, for
whatever reason, has a historic tilt of 2 or 3 points in favor of Democrats,
so these numbers show that with a normal, predictable midterm electorate,
Republicans can be expected to hold the House, as virtually all independent
and objective analysts currently say.

One reason Democrats have to sweat turnout in 2014 is that many of the most
marginal voters-those whose turnout is most problematic, who vote in lower
numbers, and who need considerably more encouragement to vote than
others-vote disproportionately Democratic. (Democratic victories in 2006
resulted more from independents swinging strongly in favor of Democrats than
from some unusual change in midterm-election turnout dynamics.) Greenberg
and Gardner advise Democrats to focus most closely on the Rising American
Electorate. For example, among all voters, 46 percent approve and 49 percent
disapprove of Obama; among unmarried women, voters ages 18-29, and
minorities, Obama's approval numbers are 60 percent-14 points higher-with a
disapproval number of 35 percent, 14 points lower than among all voters.

The possibility of a shift among older voters is something to be watched
carefully. Exit polls show that in the 2010 GOP wave election, seniors voted
by a 21-point margin in favor of Republicans for Congress, 59 percent to 38
percent; in 2012, a better year for Democrats, seniors voted Republican by
just a 12-point margin, 56 percent to 44 percent. A January poll by
Greenberg's firm showed a similar 11-point Republican margin, but a survey
in March indicated the GOP advantage had dropped to only 6 points, 47
percent to 41 percent. This new survey pegged it at 5 points, 46 percent to
41 percent. It is far too early to point to some seismic shift among older
voters, but this is something that should be watched over the next 15
months.

The summer of an odd-numbered year is usually too soon to start drawing
conclusions about the political environment, but it is the time to start
watching for patterns that might emerge as we get closer to the election
year. It's clear that both sides have a lot of work to do before they get an
outcome they could really like-that either Democrats could win the House or
Republicans could win the Senate.

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