NYT
 
We’re All Still Hostages to the Big  Banks  
By ANAT R. ADMATI
Published:  August 25, 2013  
(http://www.nytimes.com/2013/08/26/opinion/were-all-still-hostages-to-the-big-banks.html?ref=opinion&_r=0#commentsContainer
) 

 
STANFORD, Calif. — NEARLY five years after the  bankruptcy of Lehman 
Brothers touched off a global financial crisis, we are no  safer. Huge, complex 
and opaque banks continue to take enormous risks that  endanger the economy. 
>From _Washington_ 
(http://www.nytimes.com/2013/07/14/business/bankers-are-balking-at-a-proposed-rule-on-capital.html)
   to _Berlin_ 
(http://www.nytimes.com/2013/08/10/business/global/in-germany-little-appetite-to-change-troubled-b
anking-system.html) ,  banking lobbyists have blocked essential reforms at 
every turn. Their efforts at  obfuscation and influence-buying are no 
surprise. What’s shameful is how easily  our leaders have caved in, and how 
quickly the lessons of the crisis have been  forgotten. 
 
We will never have a safe and healthy global financial  system until banks 
are forced to rely much more on money from their owners and  shareholders to 
finance their loans and investments. Forget all the jargon, and  just focus 
on this simple rule.  
Mindful, perhaps, of the coming five-year anniversary,  regulators have 
recently taken some actions along these lines. In June, a  committee of global 
banking regulators based in Basel, Switzerland, _proposed_ 
(http://dealbook.nytimes.com/2013/06/26/proposed-guidelines-could-require-banks-to-raise-billi
ons-in-capital/)   changes to how banks calculate their leverage ratios, a 
measure of how much  borrowed money they can use to conduct their business.  
Last month, federal regulators _proposed_ 
(http://www.nytimes.com/2013/07/12/business/economy/big-banks-grumbling-about-planned-capital-rules.html)
   
going somewhat beyond the internationally agreed minimum known as Basel III,  
which is being phased in. Last Monday, President Obama _scolded  
regulators_ 
(http://www.nytimes.com/2013/08/20/business/obama-presses-for-action-on-bank-rules.html)
  for dragging their feet on implementing Dodd-Frank, the  
gargantuan 2010 law that was supposed to prevent another crisis but in fact  
punted on most of the tough decisions.  
Don’t let the flurry of activity confuse you. The  regulations being 
proposed offer little to celebrate.  
>From Wall Street to the City of London comes the same  wailing: requiring 
banks to rely less on borrowing will hurt their ability to  lend to companies 
and individuals. These bankers falsely imply that capital  (unborrowed 
money) is idle cash set aside in a vault. In fact, they want to keep  placing 
new bets at the poker table — while putting taxpayers at risk.  
When we deposit money in a bank, we are making a loan.  JPMorgan Chase, 
America’s largest bank, had $2.4 trillion in assets as of June  30, and debts 
of $2.2 trillion: $1.2 trillion in deposits and $1 trillion in  other debt 
(owed to money market funds, other banks, bondholders and the like).  It was 
notable for surviving the crisis, but no bank that is so heavily indebted  
can be considered truly safe.  
The six largest American banks — the others are Bank  of America, 
Citigroup, Wells Fargo, Goldman Sachs and Morgan Stanley —  collectively owe 
about 
$8.7 trillion. Only a fraction of this is used to make  loans. JPMorgan Chase 
used some excess deposits to trade complex derivatives in  London — losing 
more than $6 billion last year in a _notoriously  bad bet_ 
(http://www.nytimes.com/2012/10/07/magazine/ina-drew-jamie-dimon-jpmorgan-chase.html)
 .  
Risk, taken properly, is essential for innovation and  growth. But outside 
of banking, healthy corporations rarely carry debts totaling  more than 70 
percent of their assets. Many thriving corporations borrow very  little.  
Banks, by contrast, routinely have liabilities in  excess of 90 percent of 
their assets. JPMorgan Chase’s $2.2 trillion in debt  represented some 91 
percent of its $2.4 trillion in assets. (Under accounting  conventions used in 
Europe, the figure would be around 94 percent.)  
Basel III would permit banks to borrow up to 97  percent of their assets. 
The proposed regulations in the United States — which  Wall Street is 
_fighting_ 
(http://www.nytimes.com/2013/07/14/business/bankers-are-balking-at-a-proposed-rule-on-capital.html)
   — would still allow even the largest bank 
holding companies to borrow up to 95  percent (though how to measure bank 
assets 
is often a matter of debate).  
If equity (the bank’s own money) is only 5 percent of  assets, even a tiny 
loss of 2 percent of its assets could prompt, in essence, a  run on the 
bank. Creditors may refuse to renew their loans, causing the bank to  stop 
lending or to sell assets in a hurry. If too many banks are distressed at  
once, 
a systemic crisis results.  
Prudent banks would not lend to borrowers like  themselves unless the risks 
were borne by someone else. But insured depositors,  and creditors who 
expect to be paid by authorities if not by the bank, agree to  lend to banks at 
attractive terms, allowing them to enjoy the upside of risks  while others — 
you, the taxpayer — share the downside.  
Implicit guarantees of government support perversely  encouraged banks to 
borrow, take risk and become “too big to fail.” Recent  scandals — JPMorgan’
s $6 billion London trading loss, an HSBC _money  laundering scandal_ 
(http://dealbook.nytimes.com/2012/12/11/hsbc-in-record-settlement/)  that 
resulted in a $1.9 billion settlement, and  inappropriate sales of credit-card 
protection insurance that resulted, on  Thursday, in _a  $2 billion settlement_ 
(http://dealbook.nytimes.com/2013/08/22/british-credit-card-customers-to-be-r
eimbursed/)  by British banks — suggest that the largest banks are  also 
too big to manage, control and regulate.  
NOTHING suggests that banks couldn’t do what they do  if they financed, for 
example, 30 percent of their assets with equity  (unborrowed funds) — a 
level considered perfectly normal, or even low, for  healthy corporations. Yet 
this simple idea is considered radical, even  heretical, in the hermetic 
bubble of banking.  
Bankers and regulators want us to believe that the  banks’ high levels of 
borrowing are acceptable because banks are good at  managing their risks and 
regulators know how to measure them. The failures of  both were manifest in 
2008, and yet regulators have ignored the lessons.  
If banks could absorb much more of their losses,  regulators would need to 
worry less about risk measurements, because banks would  have better 
incentives to manage their risks and make appropriate investment  decisions. 
That’s 
why raising equity requirements substantially is the single  best step for 
making banking safer and healthier.  
The transition to a better system could be managed  quickly. Companies 
commonly rely on their profits to grow and invest, without  needing to borrow. 
Banks should do the same.  
Banks can also sell more shares to become stronger. If  a bank cannot 
persuade investors to buy its shares at any price because its  assets are too 
opaque, unsteady or overvalued, it fails a basic “stress test,”  suggesting it 
may be too weak without subsidies.  
Ben S. Bernanke, chairman of the Federal Reserve, has  acknowledged that 
the “too big to fail” problem has not been solved, but the Fed  
counterproductively allows most large banks to make payouts to their  
shareholders, 
repeating some of the Fed’s most obvious mistakes in the run-up to  the crisis. 
Its stress tests fail to consider the collateral damage of banks’  distress. 
They are a charade.  
Dodd-Frank was supposed to spell the end to all  bailouts. It gave the 
Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation “resolution  authority” to seize and “
wind down” banks, a kind of orderly liquidation — no  more panics. Don’t count 
on it. The F.D.I.C. does not have authority in the  scores of nations where 
global banks operate, and even the mere possibility that  banks would go 
into this untested “resolution authority” would be disruptive to  the 
markets.  
The state of financial reform is grim in most other  nations. Europe is in 
a particularly dire situation. Many of its banks have not  recovered from 
the crisis. But if other countries foolishly allow their banks to  be 
reckless, it does not follow that we must do the same.  
Some warn that tight regulation would push activities  into the “shadow 
banking system” of money market funds and other short-term  lending vehicles. 
But past failures to make sure that banks could not hide risks  using various 
tricks in opaque markets is hardly reason to give up on essential  new 
regulations. We must face the challenge of drawing up appropriate rules and  
enforcing them, or pay dearly for failing to do so. The first rule is to make  
banks rely much more on equity, and much less on borrowing.  
----------------- 
 
_Anat R. Admati_ (http://www.gsb.stanford.edu/users/admati) , a  professor 
of finance and economics at the Stanford Graduate School of Business,  is 
the _author_ (http://bankersnewclothes.com/) , with _Martin Hellwig_ 
(http://www.coll.mpg.de/team/page/martin_hellwig) , of  “The Bankers’ New 
Clothes: 
What’s Wrong With Banking and What to Do About  It.”

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