The Hindu
(apparently published concurrently with the WSJ)
 
 
Updated: August 29, 2013 01:46 IST 

The India of 2013 is not 
the India of 1991

 
 
M. K. Venu 
 
 
With simple ideas that do not require big bang reforms, India  can weather 
the storm caused by global and domestic economic factors 

There are ways of looking at India’s present economic woes marked  by a 
rapid fall in the value of the rupee caused by persistent inflation of the  
past few years and the high current account deficit (CAD) of about $85 billion  
(4.5 per cent of GDP) which needs to be funded through uncertain capital 
inflows  year after year. The description of the present crisis by various 
economic and  political analysts by itself tends to carry shades of ideological 
bias. Some  well known economists on the far right prefer to describe the 
external sector  situation as worse than the 1991 economic crisis India had 
faced. This narrative  suggests the 1991 crisis was marked by a severe, 
external sector crunch and it  acted as a trigger for the big bang reforms of 
the 
early 1990s. This section  believes that the present crisis may be worse 
than that of 1991 but the  government this time round is much more complacent, 
and less inclined to  implement drastic reforms to revive growth. 
 
Then and now  
Of course, not everyone agrees with the narrative that the India  of 2013 
is worse than it was in 1991. Actually it is not. And more of the same  kind 
of reforms is perhaps not the answer either. The world was very different  
in 1991 when western economies were still strong and looking outward, trying 
to  deepen the process of economic globalisation. Today, major OECD 
economies are  looking much more inward than before, trying to fix their own 
domestic economy  and polity. Emerging economies like India, which managed to 
avoid 
until 2011 the  negative impact of the global financial crisis, began to 
dramatically slowdown  after 2011. Most of the BRICS economies have lost over 
four per cent off their  peak GDP growth rates experienced until 2010.  
After 2010, excess global liquidity flowing from the West, the  consequent 
high international oil and commodity prices fed seamlessly into  India’s 
domestic mismanagement of the supply of key resources such as land,  coal, iron 
ore and critical food items to create a potent cocktail of high  inflation 
and low growth, and a bulging CAD. The key difference between 1991 and  2013 
is the availability of global financial flows. In 1991, western finance  
capital had not significantly penetrated India. Now, a substantial part of  
western capital is tied to India and other emerging economies where OECD  
companies have developed a long-term stake. The broader logic of the global  
capital movement is that it will seamlessly move to every nook and corner of 
the  world where unexploited factors of production exist and there is scope to 
 homogenise the modes of production and consumption in a global template. 
This  relentless process may indeed gather steam after the United States 
shows further  signs of recovery. Indeed, some experienced watchers of the 
global economic  scene have said that a recovery in the U.S. will eventually be 
beneficial for  the emerging economies. This basic logic will sink into the 
financial markets in  due course. At present, the prospect of the U.S. 
Federal Reserve withdrawing  some of the liquidity it had poured into the 
global 
marketplace is causing  emerging market currencies to sharply depreciate.  
In a sense, the depreciation of 15 to 20 per cent this year of the  
currencies in Brazil, South Africa, Turkey, Indonesia and India can be seen  
partially as a knee-jerk reaction to the smart recovery of the housing market 
in  
the U.S. and the consequent prospect of the Federal Reserve gradually 
unwinding  its ongoing $40 billion a month support to mortgage bonds over the 
next 
year or  so. But eventually, a fuller recovery in the U.S. will mean better 
economic  health globally.  
Besides, some tapering of liquidity by the U.S. Federal Reserve is  
inevitable as such an unconventional monetary policy cannot last forever. The  
U.S. 
Federal Reserve balance sheet was roughly $890 billion in 2007. It has  
ballooned to a little over $3 trillion today simply by printing more dollars.  
Such massive liquidity injection by printing dollars in such a short period 
is  probably unprecedented in American history. This is also unsustainable 
because  sooner rather than later, such excess liquidity could send both 
inflation and  interest rates shooting up in the U.S. — which again may not be 
good for the  rest of the financially connected world.  
So what should India learn from the current situation? One, it  needs to 
understand that cheap, finance capital flowing in from the West is a  
double-edged weapon. If not used judiciously to enhance productivity in the  
domestic economy, such finance will tend to become an external debt trap. This  
lesson is as important for the government as it is for the Indian capitalist  
class which has shown a tendency to use cheap finance and scarce resources 
such  as spectrum, coal, land and iron ore to play stock market games in 
collusion  with the political class. Of course, this is a systemic issue and 
needs to be  addressed at the level of electoral funding reform. Indeed, this 
is 
more  important than “fresh economic reforms” that blinkered economists 
advocate.  
Using natural resources  
India still has time to work towards insulating itself from the  vagaries 
of global finance causing much weakness in the currency and the current  
account. To begin with, the government can easily generate $20 billion or one  
per cent of GDP by allowing higher coal and iron ore production from its 
large  reserves. Our annual coal imports have gone up from roughly $7 billion 
five  years ago to about $18 billion now. The increased dollar outflow was 
largely  avoidable because India has among the largest coal reserves in Asia. 
India could  have saved $10 billion simply by producing more domestic coal. 
The government  must, under a specially regulated dispensation, maybe under 
the Supreme Court’s  watch, revive the export of iron ore from Karnataka and 
Goa where much of the  mining has stopped following judicial intervention. 
Prime Minister Manmohan  Singh spoke about making a special plea to the 
Supreme Court to restart mining  and exports from here. This could add another 
$7 
to $8 billion to the foreign  exchange reserves. These are simple ideas 
which do not require “big bang  reforms,” as some overzealous economists might 
suggest.  
If some of these resources are produced optimally and gold imports  are 
brought down by about $20 billion, to the levels that existed before 2011,  the 
CAD should be back to the comfort zone of less than three per cent of GDP.  
The moment CAD comes below three per cent of GDP, the overall sentiment 
would  definitely change for the better.  
Food security mechanism  
Further, a more rounded food security mechanism can help insulate  the poor 
from rising food inflation. This can free up the Reserve Bank of India  to 
then look at the manufacturing inflation as a dominant basis for making  
monetary policy and help ease interest rates for industry. All this needs a  
dramatic improvement in governance and a return to normality in the strained  
relations between the bureaucracy, the political class and the judiciary. 
Some  argue that this can only happen after the general election, whenever it 
is held.  
The capitalist class also has a big lesson to learn. It merely  used cheap, 
western finance all these years to ramp up stock prices based on  cornering 
scarce resources like land and minerals. All such companies are today  
quoting at 80 per cent below their peak values seen in 2010 when the economy 
was 
 still doing well.  
These companies today are in a huge debt trap and their interest  payments 
far exceed their earnings annually. Worse, Indian companies have a  massive 
exposure of close to $200 billion of loans from abroad and the sharp  fall 
in the rupee is making their repayment even more difficult.  
Many big business houses thought they could use cheap, global  money to 
create financial, not real wealth. For a while this worked and some of  the 
stock market-created wealth went into the funding of elections. This game is  
over now. So, the big learning is that there is no substitute for creating 
real  wealth accompanied by higher productivity. Excessively cheap global 
money is an  illusion which gets shattered in a business downcycle.

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