Stop Writing Epitaphs for the 'Religious  Right'
Abby Olheiser ("The Atlantic," October 28, 2013) 
"Today, after more than three decades of activism, many in the religious  
right are stepping back from the front lines," proclaimed a Wall Street 
Journal  piece published last week, documenting an apparent "trend" of 
evangelical  Christians stepping away from politics. The piece, framed as a 
profile of 
a  "new" approach to activism by the Southern Baptist Convention's lead 
mouthpiece,  Russell D. Moore, is just one of many pieces attempting to answer 
in the  affirmative to a popular question: Is the religious right dying? As 
the current  fight over Texas's controversial abortion laws indicates, the 
answer to that  question is almost certainly no. But in the wake of Tea 
Party's plummeting  post-shutdown approval ratings, it's certainly a tempting 
one, once again. 
Last Thursday, for instance, Buzzfeed framed an otherwise good piece about  
evangelical uneasiness towards Pope Francis around the hyperbolic idea of 
"How  The Pope Could Tear Apart The Religious Right." Aside from that, it's 
really an  interesting piece, and you should read it for a quick history 
lesson on the  tenuous relationship between conservative American Catholics and 
the  politically-engaged power players of the evangelical right. Andrew 
Sullivan also  took up the eulogy for the right in "The Decline And Fall Of 
Christianism,"  which takes some encouragement from the Journal profile and the 
Pope's recent  comments against a political focus on issues like abortion 
and homosexuality.  His conclusion: 
We do not yet know what a more apolitical, Gospel-centered, life-centered  
Christianity will achieve, how popular it may be, or whether it will lead to 
 higher levels of commitment to God than at present. But I suspect even 
Pope  Benedict finally realized it is the only way forward – hence his 
resignation in  the face of his papacy’s near-total failure. What matters now 
and 
always is  truth, not usefulness, faith, not politics. The next generation 
gets this. 
As we've urged before, it's always a good idea to pump the brakes on  
statements from religious conservatives on stepping away from politics, or  
issues like abortion and homosexuality. Because unless the speaker is  
specifically announcing a dogmatic shift, those statements are rarely what they 
 seem 
to be, espeically to liberal ears. After all, even as Pope Francis tells  
Catholics to focus on poverty, and not politically popular social issues, he  
still affirms the church's unchanged conservative stance. And his statements 
 don't represent an actual shift on the ground: American Catholic 
organizations  are far from pulling out of the state-by-state fight on 
contraception, 
abortion,  and homosexuality. Both religion journalist Sarah Posner and 
Washington  Monthly's Ed Kilgore have sounded alarms of caution for liberals 
over recent  reports of the Religious Right's demise. Posner, for instance, 
writes that even  evangelicals like Moore, currently calling for a lighter 
political touch "still  see these as cultural issues, and still see their 
essential role as engagement  in the public square as witnesses for (their view 
of) Christ’s teachings." 
Likewise, the SBC's Moore disputes the Journal's characterization of his  
remarks. His response in the Christian Post is extremely useful here. "If  
anything, I'm calling for more engagement in the worlds of politics, culture,  
art, labor and so on," Moore writes. "It's just that this is a different 
sort of  engagement. It's not a matter of pullback, but of priority." Moore 
goes on to  outline that he's looking for Christian social engagement to 
become more like  current evangelical anti-abortion activism, which has 
attracted 
substantial  youth involvement: 
What I'm calling for in our approach to political engagement is what we're  
already doing in one area: the pro-life movement. Evangelicals in the 
abortion  debate have demonstrated convictional kindness in a holistic ethic of 
caring  both for vulnerable unborn children and for the women who are damaged 
by  abortion. The pro-life movement has engaged in a multi-pronged strategy 
that  addresses, simultaneously, the need for laws to outlaw abortion, care 
for women  in crisis pregnancies, adoption and foster care for children who 
need families,  ministry to women (and men) who've been scarred by 
abortion, cultivating a  culture that persuades others about why we ought to 
value 
human life, and the  proclamation of the gospel to those whose consciences 
bear the guilt of  abortion. 
In other words, Moore is calling for Christians to circle back to a 
familiar  concept: hate the sin, love the sinner. It's an idea heard more in 
evangelical  church sermons than in heated political debates on controversial 
topics, and  it's much more PR-friendly. Rather than asking Christians to dial 
down activism  on social issues, Moore is asking adherents to take on a 
different tone, even  while continuing to advocate for, say, the same 
controversial laws restricting  women's access to abortion. This is the same 
attitude 
that pushed a wave of  anti-abortion restrictions in the wake of the Kermit 
Gosnell trial: by relying  on a Gospel-based approach, evangelical activists 
are hoping to set an example  that the rest of America will take up. Moore, 
along with the rest of the  religious right, is still hoping and pushing for 
a pretty literal "come to  Jesus" moment, where the evangelical view on 
these issues becomes the only one.  It's similar to a recent comment on the 
abortion fight by Paul Ryan: "our task  isn't to purge our ranks. It's to grow 
them....We don't want a country where  abortion is simply outlawed. We want 
a country where it isn't even considered,"  he said. 
Even if Moore did speak for the entire Religious Right (which, as Posner  
notes, he most certainly does not), his take on evangelical engagement is far 
 from a retreat. To hear that in Moore's remarks merely indicates the power 
of  progressive wishful thinking.

-- 
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