Any  number of questions arise from the following article but it  really is
amazing that Russell identified all religion with  authoritarianism.
 
I have a "pen-pal" friend in India, a really nice fellow, a general in the  
army,
who is an Atheist. We "talk" about all kinds of subjects,  give-and-take.
However, at one point he argued more-or-less like Russell, that  religion
is power driven and rests upon views of institutional leaders who impose  
their
will on everyone else. He included Hindu religion in his critique but  was
most aggravated at Christian missionaries.
 
I'm getting the idea that traditional British religion does have  an 
authoritarian
dimension against which to react. I tried to explain the American  system to
my friend, and used the Baptist model as an example of religious  democracy
in action. Many other Churches follow that model to at least some  extent.
Indeed, the Baptist model owes something to the previous systems of  the
Scots Presbyterians and others.
 
These things said,  Russell offers one starting place to re-think  
philosophy
as "philosophy-of-life," and so much  the better.
 
Billy
 
 
==================
 
 
Bertrand Russell: the everyday value of  philosophy
Clare  Carlisle: Bertrand Russell – part 7: He saw philosophy as a way of  
life, insisting that questions of cosmic meaning and value have an 
existential,  ethical and spiritual urgency

 
 
  
_Clare Carlisle_ (http://www.theguardian.com/profile/clare-carlisle)  

 
 _theguardian.com_ (http://www.theguardian.com/) ,  Monday 6  January 2014
 
 
Many teachers and students of philosophy today feel that the subject is 
under  threat – not only from funding cuts, but from a more pervasive and less  
quantifiable cultural shift towards measuring value only in instrumental 
and  monetary terms. But when we philosophers try to defend our discipline, 
the  question of why philosophy is important sometimes gets entangled with our 
own  self-importance. More to the point, perhaps, when we seek to protect 
philosophy  we are also protecting our livelihood. There is an irony here, 
since  philosophers often present themselves as thinkers who attain a supreme  
objectivity in relation to whatever issues they engage with. 
I'm not suggesting that philosophers should give up insisting on the value 
of  philosophy, or that our collective expertise in reasoning and in the 
history of  philosophy isn't something to be proud of. But the question of our 
objectivity  concerning the significance of philosophy gives us good reason 
to listen to  Bertrand Russell's views on this subject. Russell was more 
than a philosopher:  he was also a mathematician, a peace campaigner, an 
educator, a populariser of  modern science and a cultural critic. The range and 
diversity of his work makes  him well placed to comment on the value of 
philosophy, for he appreciated the  relationship between philosophy and other 
kinds of inquiry. And Russell more  than once showed himself to be committed to 
the pursuit of truth even when this  jeopardised his professional life, or 
conflicted with his earlier work. 
In his 1946 essay _Philosophy for  Laymen_ 
(http://www.users.drew.edu/~jlenz/br-lay-philosophy.html) , Russell discusses 
the nature, purpose and 
importance of philosophy.  He lists a set of questions that belong to 
philosophical inquiry: "Do we survive  death in any sense, and if so, do we 
survive for 
a time or for ever? Can mind  dominate matter, or does matter completely 
dominate mind, or has each, perhaps,  a certain limited independence? Has the 
universe a purpose? Or is it driven by  blind necessity? Or is it a mere 
chaos and jumble, in which the natural laws  that we think we find are only a 
fantasy generated by our own love of order? If  there is a cosmic scheme, has 
life more importance in it than astronomy would  lead us to suppose, or is 
our emphasis upon life mere parochialism and  self-importance?" 
It is striking that Russell focuses here on the more "cosmic" questions of  
philosophy – questions that many would recognise as broadly religious as 
well as  philosophical. Characteristically, Russell professes his agnosticism, 
stating  that he cannot answer such questions and that he does not believe 
anyone else  can answer them either. Nevertheless, he continues: "Human life 
would be  impoverished if they were forgotten, or if definite answers were 
accepted  without adequate evidence." One important purpose of philosophy, 
therefore, is  to keep interest in these questions alive, and to scrutinise 
any answer that  might be proposed. 
Russell revives an ancient conception of philosophy as a way of life in  
insisting that questions of cosmic meaning and value have an existential,  
ethical and spiritual urgency. (Of course, what we might mean by such terms is  
another issue for philosophers to grapple with.) In the ancient Greek 
tradition,  Russell reminds us, philosophy was not simply a theoretical 
exercise, 
and  philosophers were not just – or not at all – professional thinkers. 
"Socrates  and Plato were shocked by the sophists because they had no 
religious aims," he  writes, and adds that many of the ancient Greek 
philosophers 
"founded  fraternities which had a certain resemblance to the monastic orders 
of later  times". 
Socrates argues in the _Republic_ 
(http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Republic_(Plato))  that  the philosopher's 
pursuit of truth involves reorienting 
his whole soul towards  the good, as well as theoretical clarification of what 
the soul is and what its  good consists in. Aristotle developed this idea 
through his virtue ethics, which  shows how our characters can be formed, in 
practice, in accordance with what is  good for us – our happiness and 
fulfilment as human beings. Russell stands in  this tradition, arguing that "if 
philosophy is to play a serious part in the  lives of men who are not 
specialists, it must not cease to advocate some way of  life". He identifies 
key 
differences between philosophical and religious  approaches to living well: 
philosophy refuses any appeal to the authority of a  tradition or a sacred 
book, and the philosopher should not attempt to establish  a church. 
Russell evidently regarded authoritarianism as the essence of religion, and 
 on this basis his philosophy is emphatically anti-religious. An ethically  
oriented scepticism lies at the heart of his own conception of a properly  
philosophical way of life. For Russell, philosophy should lead to peace – to 
 personal serenity, and to peace in the world. "Dogmatism is an enemy to 
peace,  and an insuperable barrier to democracy," he writes. Even minimal 
philosophical  training, he argues, would teach us to see through the 
"bloodthirsty nonsense"  preached in the name of nationalist, sectarian 
interests – 
and also, it should  be added, in the name of democracy. 
In his 1946 essay, Russell teaches his "laymen" readers to think more  
objectively about emotive issues: "When, in a sentence expressing political  
opinion, there are words that arouse powerful but different emotions in  
different readers, try replacing them by symbols, A, B, C, and so on and  
forgetting the particular significance of the symbols. Suppose A is England, B  
is 
Germany and C is Russia. So long as you remember what the letters mean, most  
of the things you will believe will depend upon whether you are English, 
German  or Russian, which is logically irrelevant." 
Of course, it is easier to master this kind of technique than to apply it 
in  situations when it is most needed – at times of crisis, stress, or 
emotional  turbulence. But this is precisely why philosophy is not just an 
intellectual  exercise, but an existential task that – as Aristotle saw so 
clearly –
 requires  patient practice. As Russell puts it: "To endure uncertainty is 
difficult, but  so are most of the other virtues. For the learning of every 
virtue there is an  appropriate discipline, and for the learning of 
suspended judgment the best  discipline is philosophy."

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