On global warming, conservatives have a  blind spot — and liberals have 
tunnel vision 
But that doesn't mean we can't find a solution to  Earth's rising 
temperature 
 
By _Shikha Dalmia_ (https://theweek.com/author/shikha-dalmia)  | May 8, 
2014 



 
 
The decibel level in our national debate about global temperature went up  
several notches this week. The White House noisily released a report full of 
 dire claims about the havoc manmade global warming is causing in America — 
and  Republicans, equally noisily, _denounced_ 
(http://www.foxnews.com/opinion/2014/05/06/national-climate-assessment-report-alarmists-offer-untrue-unre
lenting-doom-and/)  this as "liberal gloom and doom."  
The left has a deep ideological need to hype this issue, and the right to  
minimize it. And despite the deafening political noise on what ought to be a 
 scientific matter, Americans must not be tempted to reach for their 
earplugs in  disgust. After all, these ideological wars are how democracies 
sort 
out their  differences. 
The president's National Climate Assessment _report_ 
(http://nca2014.globalchange.gov/report)  claims that climate change is no 
longer a  distant 
threat. It's already here and it's causing torrential downpours and  
hurricanes, 
rising sea levels, heat waves, and wildfires. Preventing future  
devastation, the White House says, will require "bold" (read: expensive and  
painful) 
action pronto to limit the nation's greenhouse gas emissions. 
Republicans are having none of it. They have dusted off their own _report_ 
(http://www.epw.senate.gov/public/index.cfm?FuseAction=Files.View&FileStore_i
d=f4ace657-9490-4f4c-86f3-25d367e2085c) , prepared for the Senate 
Environment and Public  Works Committee last summer, which points out that the 
observed warming — 0.8  degrees C since 1895 — is much milder than previously 
expected and can't  possibly be blamed for these extreme weather events which, 
they claim, are no  worse than before. 
Why do Republicans so stubbornly resist the climate change story? It's not  
like when a tornado touches down, it spares them, targeting only Democrats. 
 Conversely, why are liberals so eager to buy the climate apocalypse? It's 
not  like they can insulate themselves from rising energy prices or job 
losses that a  drastic energy diet would produce. 
The answer is that each side is driven by concerns over whether this issue  
advances or impedes its broader normative commitments, not narrow  
self-interest. 
The right's chief commitment (which I share) is to free enterprise, 
property  rights, and limited government that it sees as core to human 
progress. So 
when  the market or other activities of individuals harm third parties or 
the  environment, they look for _solutions_ 
(http://reason.org/news/show/property-rights-approaches-to)  in these 
principles. 
If overgrazing threatens a pasture, to use a classic example, the right's  
answer is not top-down government diktats to ban or ration use. Rather, it 
is to  divvy up the pasture, giving ownership to farmers — or privatizing the 
commons.  The idea is that what individuals own, they protect; what they 
don't, they  abuse. 
But there is no pure free market or property rights solution to global  
warming. There is no practical way to privatize the Earth's atmosphere or divvy 
 up pollution rights among the world's seven billion inhabitants in 193  
countries. This creates a planet-sized opening for the expansion of the  
regulatory state. Hence, right-wingers have an _inherent  need_ 
(http://reason.org/news/show/1003116.html)  to resist the gloomy global warming 
narrative
 
This is a massive conservative blind spot. But it is, in many ways, matched 
 by liberals' tunnel vision. 
It is no secret that liberal commitment is less to promoting individual  
liberty and more to curbing capitalistic greed, which the left views as the  
great enemy of social justice and equality. At first blush, environmentalism 
and  egalitarianism appear in conflict given that the environment is 
something of a  luxury good that rich folks generally care about more than the 
poor. 
Indeed, this conflict is why the 1960s New Left, driven primarily by  
humanistic concerns such as eradicating poverty and eliminating racism, shunned 
 
the emerging environmental movement for over a decade, _according_ 
(http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/jsr/summary/v002/2.2.woodhouse.html)  to 
University of 
Wisconsin's Keith M.  Woodhouse. Many in the New Left condemned the first 
Earth Day in 1970 as "the  white liberal's cop out" and believed that a 
preoccupation with overpopulation,  for example, was "racist hysteria." 
Lefties and enviros merged into the modern-day progressive movement only 
when  the New Left was persuaded that environmental degradation and social 
injustice  were manifestations of the same greed-ridden system. Global warming, 
in a sense,  combines this twin critique of capitalism on the grandest 
possible scale,  indicting the rich West for bringing the world close to 
catastrophe by hogging a  disproportionate amount of the global commons, 
leaving 
less for the developing  world. 
This is why, despite the demonstrated impossibility of imposing a global  
emission-control regime after the failure of the Kyoto treaty, liberals 
continue  to demand that the West unilaterally cut emissions, even though this 
will  arguably make little difference to global temperatures. It is a matter 
of cosmic  justice, as far as they are concerned. 
Indeed, if there is any doubt that liberal alarmism no less than 
conservative  skepticism is driven by ideological commitments — and not a 
realistic 
assessment  of actual risk and achievable solutions — Yale University's Dan 
Kahan _research_ (http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1981907)  
ought to put them to rest. He found that when  geo-engineering — pumping 
sulfates into the atmosphere to deflect heat — is  offered as the solution to 
climate catastrophe instead of emission restrictions,  liberals become far 
more questioning of global warming science. Why? Because,  presumably, it 
does nothing to curb Western greed. Conversely, geo-engineering  makes 
conservatives far more accepting of the science, likely because it avoids  Big 
Government. 
So where does that leave us? If neither side can get past its ideological  
agenda, is there any possibility of getting it right? 
Yes. In our adversarial legal system, for instance, neither party is 
expected  to impartially weigh all the evidence. Rather, each mounts the best 
possible  argument for its side, while vigorously questioning the other, 
leaving 
the jury  to draw its own conclusions. The same is true for our political 
system. Liberals  and conservatives don't need to overcome their biases and 
accept the other's  case. Each simply needs to make the best possible 
argument for its own and  question the other, letting the broader polity draw 
its 
own conclusions. 
That's why ideological differences are to be cherished as assets — not  
scorned as liabilities — in a democracy. Ultimately, cacophonous ideological  
battles are far more likely to generate the right answers to tough issues 
rather  than a bland consensus. 
[Absurd conclusion despite the value of the article. Actually the solution 
is  to remake politics into something that puts science, per se, at the 
center of  policy debates and not tolerate science being treated as a 
footnote.. 
BR  comment ] 
------------------------ 
Shikha Dalmia is a senior policy analyst at Reason  Foundation, a nonprofit 
think tank advancing free minds and free markets. She is  a Bloomberg View 
contributor and a columnist at the Washington  Examiner, and she also writes 
regularly for Reason, The Wall  Street Journal, USA Today, and numerous 
other publications. She  considers herself to be a progressive libertarian and 
an agnostic with Buddhist  longings and a Sufi soul.

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