Religion News Service
   
The rise and fall and rise of the National  Council of Churches 
_Jacob  Lupfer_ (http://www.religionnews.com/author/jacoblupfer/)  | 
September 26, 2014 
 
 
WASHINGTON (RNS) Like many mainline Protestant institutions, the _National 
Council of  Churches_ (http://nationalcouncilofchurches.us/)  has had a 
rough couple of years. Once the public face of American  Protestantism, the NCC 
is now just another face in the crowd. Yet with new  leadership and a 
retooled mission, the NCC is poised to rebound from its low ebb  of influence 
and 
carries a great deal of promise into the future. 
In its 1950s heyday, the NCC embodied the confident spirit of educated,  
mainstream religious elites in what was still largely a Protestant nation. The 
 NCC regularly brought bishops and denominational leaders to the White 
House  and boasted significant influence over members of Congress. Mainline 
theologians  like Reinhold Niebuhr were renowned public intellectuals, 
practically household  names. 
It was an ecumenical age as well as denominations were merging, not  
splintering. The baby boom and sustained economic prosperity enabled the  
historic 
denominations’ demographic strength. Beautiful churches sprang up along  
suburban commuter corridors such as Philadelphia’s Main Line (from which the  
term “mainline” arises). Fundamentalist and other literal-Bible traditions, 
 comprised largely of uneducated pastors and downscale laity, operated 
beneath  the notice of elite media and were still presumed to be in a 
post-Scopes  cultural withdrawal. 
For a few mid-century decades, the American norm of partisan political  
polarization softened. There were progressive Republicans and conservative  
Democrats in Congress, and the NCC lobbied them all. Before ideology, party, 
and  theology became so strongly correlated (especially for Protestants), the 
NCC  claimed to speak for a broad swath of American society. 
What happened? 
All religious interest groups experience tension between “speaking to” and 
 “speaking for” their constituencies. On an array of issues, from civil 
rights to  Vietnam to sympathy for liberationist movements in Central America, 
the NCC by  most accounts got too far ahead of the center-right laity in 
mainline pews and  perhaps even the center-left men and women in mainline 
pulpits. 
By the 1990s, the NCC was widely seen as a religious arm of the Democratic  
Party, just as the religious right was little more than the Republican 
Party at  prayer. 
Many congressmen had long ago realized that the liberal NCC was not 
speaking  for churchgoers in their districts, and the NCC’s political influence 
plummeted.  Its constituent denominations and communions — mainline, black 
Protestant,  historic peace traditions, and Eastern Orthodox –- faced their own 
institutional  and financial challenges and, of course, unprecedented 
membership decline. 
In recent years, an NCC Task Force on Re-envisioning and Restructuring made 
 several difficult but necessary decisions that would not only enable the  
council’s survival, but also position it for vital engagement and ministry 
in  the future. The NCC retained and retooled its historic focus on advocacy  
and ecumenical dialogue, but it significantly reduced staff and expenses. 
The  NCC moved its headquarters from a Manhattan office building known as the 
 “God Box” to a suite of offices on Capitol Hill.
 
 
Last year, the NCC elected Jim Winkler, a veteran United Methodist D.C.  
lobbyist, as general secretary. The council’s top-heavy institutional  
structure has been pared down to four “convening tables” with two issue  
emphases: 
promoting peace and ending mass incarceration. 
Winkler has been busy leading the newly restructured organization and  
re-engaging leaders from NCC member communions in the council’s work. 
Even the NCC’s critics have been quiet. The Washington-based _Institute on 
Religion and Democracy_ (http://theird.org/) ,  founded in the early 1980s 
to combat the left-leaning politics that prevailed  among many mainline 
church elites, criticized Winkler relentlessly in his  previous position. Yet 
the 
IRD, a fierce NCC critic for three decades, seems to  be taking a 
wait-and-see attitude. 
Winkler and the NCC face several key challenges and opportunities moving  
forward. 
The NCC’s unity is sometimes fragile and made more so by some member  
communions’ acceptance of gay clergy and same-sex marriage. Though officially  
silent on issues that divide its constituent denominations, the NCC will  
struggle to maintain unity as Christians decide how vigorously to oppose the  
excesses of the sexual revolution, if not the revolution itself. 
Activists who came of age during the Vietnam era have led mainline  
institutions for several decades, but the dominance of aging white liberals is  
nearing an end. Whereas white evangelicals have deliberately cultivated young  
leadership and have many people under 35 in key positions, mainliners lag 
badly  in this area. 
Particularly given its emphasis on peace, the NCC will need to deeply and  
critically plumb the Christian ethical tradition for insight about how to  
promote peace with justice in a hostile world. The de facto pacifism that  
permeates much of liberal Protestantism may prove too idealistic to influence  
defense and counterterrorism policy. 
The NCC also needs effective symbolic and substantive advocacy efforts.  
Issuing press releases about clergy being arrested in protests may have 
grabbed  attention in the 1960s, but that kind of witness is ineffective today. 
As the NCC declined, Catholic and evangelical organizations became more  
sophisticated, professionalized and influential. They bring a great deal of  
energy and creativity to ecumenical Christian engagement. The NCC must  
thoughtfully and strategically discern when to support existing ecumenical and  
interfaith efforts and when to forge new ones.
 
Perhaps the NCC’s influence was overinflated a half-century ago, but it is 
a  mistake to ignore the National Council of Churches. Its 37 Protestant and 
 Orthodox communions encompass 45 million members. Though imperfect, the 
NCC has  been a faithful, prophetic witness for poor, vulnerable, and 
dispossessed  people, boldly standing for justice when too many others were 
silent. 
We  should commend the NCC for its corrective actions and wish the council 
well in  its vital mission.

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