Fight for growing Pentecostal vote in  Brazil
(AP, October 1, 2014) 
RIO DE JANEIRO — Brazil’s rapid religious transformation is reverberating  
through the country’s tight presidential race, where abortion and gay 
marriage  have emerged as hot-button issues and Pentecostal televangelists are 
political  power brokers. 
The socially conservative Pentecostal population now includes more than  
one-fifth of the electorate, just three decades after barely registering any  
presence at all. That change has the secular-minded incumbent quoting Psalms 
 while her Bible-reading rival has repeatedly stressed her belief in a 
secular  state to avoid alienating liberal voters ahead of Sunday’s first-round 
vote. 
During a recent service at his 6,000-seat Assemblies of God church in a  
gritty Rio de Janeiro neighborhood, Brazil’s most influential Pentecostal 
pastor  spent half of the service talking about the election, nudging voters to 
support  top opposition candidate Marina Silva, who is also a member of the 
Assemblies of  God, by far Brazil’s largest Pentecostal denomination. 
If Silva makes it to the second round and defeats incumbent Dilma Rousseff 
in  an expected Oct. 26 runoff, she would become the first Pentecostal 
leader of a  country with more Catholics than any other. 
“A pastor isn’t the owner of anybody’s ballot. I don’t have a band of 
angels  who can peek over your shoulder in the voting booth,” said Silas 
Malafaia, his  face looming on two jumbo TV screens bookending the enormous 
stage 
where he  paced. “But you’ve got to vote your conscience. Don’t just give 
your vote away.  Vote against the corrupt and those who want to destroy the 
family!” 
Malafaia alone has 800,000 followers on Twitter, books that have sold in 
the  millions and sermons beamed around the globe. He is part of a rapidly 
swelling  movement that is strongly rooted among poorer Brazilians, a group 
that otherwise  heavily favors Rousseff’s Workers Party, which has lifted 
millions from poverty  with expansive social welfare programs and the creation 
of 
millions of new  jobs. 
In a survey released Friday, the Datafolha polling group found that 54  
percent of Pentecostal voters would support Silva in an expected second-round  
vote, while Rousseff was favored by 38 percent. Among the population as a 
whole,  the two were in a statistical tie. Datafolha polled 11,474 people 
across Brazil  on Sept. 25-26 and the margin of error was 2 percentage points. 
But in a Datafolha poll released Tuesday night, Rousseff had pulled ahead 
of  Silva in a second-round vote, leading 49-to-41. A breakdown of a 
second-round  vote by religion was not yet available. 
Rousseff, a former Marxist guerrilla who was imprisoned and tortured during 
 Brazil’s military dictatorship, rarely spoke of religion before this 
campaign,  but she has been making the rounds of Pentecostal churches and 
invoking God’s  name of late. 
In August she spoke to hundreds of Pentecostals in Sao Paulo at an 
Assemblies  of God church, by far the biggest Protestant denomination in the 
country. 
“I’m opening my remarks by saying that the Brazilian state is secular,”  
Rousseff said to a silent crowd. 
“But, citing the Psalm of David, I’d like to say that ‘Joyful is the 
nation  whose God is the Lord,’” she immediately added, to loud applause. 
By contrast, the deeply religious Silva has made no campaign stops in  
churches and has kept Pentecostal leaders at arm’s length in public, hoping to  
combat suspicions among non-religious voters that conservative pastors could 
 shape the stance a Silva government would have on social issues. 
Those worries intensified when her official platform reversed support for 
gay  marriage less than 24 hours after its release last month, following 
blistering  attacks on the proposal from Malafaia and other Pentecostal 
leaders. 
Silva  supports Brazil’s current law allowing same-sex civil unions, which 
gives gay  partners the same rights as heterosexual couples, but stops short 
of supporting  religious weddings for gays. 
As an impoverished daughter of a rubber tapper deep in the Amazon, Silva  
wanted to become a nun and as a teenager moved into a convent, where she 
first  learned to read and write at age 16. There, she came into contact with 
priests  adhering to liberation theology, a Latin American-inspired movement 
that  advocates for the poor. 
But in 1997, facing extreme health problems after five bouts with malaria 
as  a girl and hepatitis as a teenager, Silva converted to the Pentecostal 
faith  upon being told by a doctor that only a miracle could help her. The 
doctor  himself phoned his pastor to speak with the then-senator. 
For some, Silva’s mixed religious background could be a political asset. 
“Marina is in a really nice position where she got Malafaia, the rock star  
pastor of the Assemblies of God, to back her, so she probably feels like a 
lot  of her evangelical support is solidified,” said Andrew Chesnut, a 
professor and  expert on Latin American religions at Virginia Commonwealth 
University, who has  focused on Brazil’s Pentecostals. “And the fact she was 
involved with  liberationist Catholicism ... means more progressive Catholics 
will sympathize  with her.” 
But when it comes time to cast their ballot, Brazilian Pentecostals, who 
are  overwhelmingly poor, will face a dilemma in choosing between Silva, a 
woman who  shares their faith, and their gratitude to Rousseff’s Workers Party 
for the  country’s socio-economic advances in the last 12 years. 
Michelle Jeronimo, a 22-year-old heading into Malafaia’s service last week, 
 said Silva would get the backing of Pentecostals because she would 
maintain  “God’s posture” in the face of widely perceived government 
dishonesty. 
“Pentecostals are so disappointed with the corruption, with the broken  
promises, so they’re looking to this Pentecostal side of her,” Jeronimo said,  
adding that Silva will “fulfill what she said, what she promised, what she 
said  she intends to do.” 
But Silre Noguiera, handing out campaign fliers for Pentecostal 
congressional  candidates outside Malafaia’s church, looked over her shoulders 
before  
whispering where her political allegiance lay. 
“The Workers Party governments are the only ones that ever did anything for 
 the poor. Dilma has my vote,” she said. “I’m not convinced most 
Pentecostals  will vote based on religion. At the end of the day, they want a 
president who’ll  give them a better life.”

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