Note:
Some of these numbers seem suspect to me; the drop-offs are too  precipitous
for the period of time in question. However, in all probability there  are
drop-offs and the article may well be valid enough even if its  projections
for this year might not come about for another 4 years or so.
 
Billy
 
 
 
 
Southern Evangelicals: Dwindling 
—and Taking the GOP Edge With Them 

Robert P. Jones ("The Atlantic,"  October 17, 2014) 
Midterm elections are all about turning out base constituencies. Over the  
last few decades, there have been few more reliable voters for Republicans 
than  white evangelical Protestants. This year, however, GOP candidates may 
be getting  less help from this group—not because white evangelical 
Protestants are becoming  less supportive or less motivated, but simply because 
they 
are declining as a  proportion of the population, even in Southern states. 
White evangelical Protestants have remained a steadfast Republican  
constituency in both presidential and midterm congressional elections ever 
since  
the Reagan presidency, which marked what political scientists Merle and Earl  
Black dubbed “the great white switch.” In 2008 and 2012, roughly 
three-quarters  of white born-again Christians supported GOP nominees John 
McCain (73 
percent)  and Mitt Romney (78 percent). In the 2010 midterm election, 
similar numbers of  white born-again Christians (77 percent) supported the GOP 
House candidate in  their districts. 
During the heady days of evangelical prominence in the 1980s and 1990s, 
white  evangelical Protestant leaders frequently noted the decline of their 
more  liberal mainline Protestant cousins, but now white evangelicals are 
seeing their  own populations shrink. In recent years, for example, the 
Southern 
Baptist  Convention, the largest evangelical denomination in the country, 
has reported  steady declines in membership and new baptisms. Since 2007, the 
number of white  evangelical Protestants nationwide has slipped from 22 
percent in 2007 to 18  percent today. 
A look at generational differences demonstrates that this is only the  
beginnings of a major shift away from a robust white evangelical presence and  
influence in the country. While white evangelical Protestants constitute 
roughly  three in 10 (29 percent) seniors (age 65 and older), they account for 
only one  in 10 (10 percent) members of the Millennial generation (age 
18-29). In the last  few national elections, however, because of high levels of 
voter turnout, white  evangelical Protestants have managed to maintain an 
outsized presence at the  ballot box according to national exit polls, 
representing roughly one-quarter of  voters. 
But the fact that there are currently five Southern states—Arkansas, 
Georgia,  Kentucky, Louisiana, and North Carolina— where polling shows that the 
Senate  race margins are less than five percentage points indicates that 2014 
may be the  year that the underlying demographic trends finally exert enough 
force to make  themselves felt. These changes are evident in analysis based 
on the American  Values Atlas, a massive interactive online map of 
demographic and religious  diversity in America based on 45,000 interviews 
conducted 
throughout 2013,  created by the Public Religion Research Institute in 
partnership with Social  Science Research Solutions. 
Compared to 2007, just after the 2006 midterm elections, the five southern  
states where there are tight Senate races have one thing in common: the  
proportion of white evangelical Protestants has dropped significantly. 
In Arkansas, where Republican and freshman Representative Tom Cotton is  
locked in a tight race with two-term Democratic Senator Mark Pryor, the white  
evangelical Protestant proportion of the population has dropped from 43 
percent  to 36 percent. 
In Georgia, where Democratic candidate Michelle Nunn is battling Republican 
 candidate David Perdue for retiring Senator Saxby Chambliss’s seat, white  
evangelical Protestants made up 30 percent of the population in 2007 but 
that  number is currently down to 24 percent. 
The proportion of white evangelicals in Kentucky has plunged 11 points, 
from  43 percent to 32 percent; here Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell 
faces the  Democratic Alison Grimes, the secretary of state. 
In Louisiana, where Republican Representative Bill Cassidy is up against  
three-term Democrat Mary Landrieu, white evangelicals have slipped from being 
24  percent of the population to 19 percent. 
Likewise, North Carolina has seen a dip in the white evangelical proportion 
 of its population, from 37 percent to 30 percent; here incumbent Democrat 
Kay  Hagan battles Republican Speaker of the North Carolina House Thom 
Tillis. 
Arkansas and Georgia have also witnessed significant declines in the 
numbers  of white mainline Protestants, who also lean toward supporting 
Republican 
 candidates in the South. 
Two forces account for the declining proportions of white evangelical and  
mainline Protestants: the growth of non-black ethnic minorities and, perhaps 
 surprisingly, the growth of the religiously unaffiliated across the South. 
 Notably, each of these growing constituencies leans decidedly toward 
Democratic  candidates. For example, in 2007, the religiously unaffiliated 
constituted 12  percent each of the populations of Kentucky and North Carolina. 
By 
2013, the  percentage of unaffiliated Kentuckians had jumped nine points to 
21 percent, and  the percentage of unaffiliated North Carolinians had 
jumped to 17 percent. While  increases in the proportions of the religiously 
unaffiliated in Arkansas,  Georgia, and Louisiana fall short of statistical 
significance, the patterns all  point in the same direction. 
So what does this mean for the 2014 elections? Certainly, events on the  
ground are still paramount; the campaign machines and peculiarities of  
candidates matter. And in low-turnout elections such as the midterms, the real  
weight of these demographic and religious shifts will not yet be fully felt at 
 the ballot box. White evangelical Protestants have a strong turnout 
record,  while non-black ethnic minorities and particularly the religiously 
unaffiliated  are much less likely to vote. PRRI’s pre-election American Values 
Survey found  that while two-thirds (65 percent) of white evangelical 
Protestants report that  they were absolutely certain to vote in the November 
elections, less than half  (45 percent) of the religiously unaffiliated report 
this kind of certainty. But  the underlying trends indicate that at least one 
reason why there are a number  of close elections across the South is the 
declining dominance of white  evangelical Protestants, the most stalwart of GOP 
 supporters.

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