Psychology Today
 
 
Jonathan Haidt's Moral-Political Psychology

Helping us understand liberal and conservative value  systems 
Published on January 1, 2012 by _Gregg Henriques_ 
(http://www.psychologytoday.com/experts/gregg-henriques) 

 
As evidenced by Congress's historically low approval rating and the most  
recent debacle with the payroll tax, we are witnessing a period of remarkable 
 political dysfunction, characterized by bitter diagreement and 
polarization  between the major parties. Although there is plenty of blame to 
go 
around, along  with commentators like Paul Krugman, I believe that the lion's 
share of the  fault lies with the Republicans. As seen in the weak group of 
presidential  candidates, the Republican Party does not have a compelling 
narrative for the  future. Instead, I believe it has largely been hijacked by 
uncompromising,  ideologically driven, ignorant extremists who are lacking in 
capacities for  sophisticated self-reflection.
 
But is my narrative simply a function of living within a liberal elite 
'moral  matrix'? Am I blinded by in-group _biases_ 
(http://www.psychologytoday.com/basics/bias)  and is my frustration with 
Republicans  simply a mirror 
image of Republican frustration with liberals? As a _marriage_ 
(http://www.psychologytoday.com/basics/marriage)  therapist, I am quite 
familiar with how  
competing justification systems arise and feedback on one another through  
vicious cycles. That is why it is imperative to be as reflective as possible  
when such destructive positions emerge. And it is in that spirit, and 
continuing  with analyzing leading developments in the field, that in this post 
I 
am going  to comment on Jonathan Haidt's (pronounced HITE) in 
moral-political psychology  as articulated in this _TEDTalk on the moral roots 
of liberal  
and conservative_ 
(http://www.ted.com/talks/lang/en/jonathan_haidt_on_the_moral_mind.html)  
_politics_ (http://www.psychologytoday.com/basics/politics) 
.
 
Haidt's talk contained several key messages. First, citing Steve Pinker  
(another hugely influential psychologist), Haidt argues that the blank slate  
"was one of the worst ideas psychology ever had" and it is now clear that 
'the  mind' comes with much organization prior to experience, although that  
organization is plastic and molded by experience. [I generally agree with 
this  statement, although I might want clarification about what exactly is 
meant by  experience (e.g., surely there is prenatal experience, and that might 
be quite  crucial)].
 
Early in his talk, Haidt mentions another key point, which is that liberals 
 and conservatives demonstrate large differences in Openness to Experience, 
which  most _personality_ 
(http://www.psychologytoday.com/basics/personality)  researchers consider to be 
one of 'the  Big Five' personality traits. 
Although I was aware of this finding, as I  listened to his talk I wondered 
about the relationship between trait Openness  and political values. Here is 
the issue: Traits, at least as conceived of by the  major trait researchers 
Costa and McCrae, are seen as almost exclusively  determined by _genes_ 
(http://www.psychologytoday.com/basics/genetics)  (although it would be the 
subject of another  post, Costa and McCrae consistently argue this point-I, 
however, would challenge  their characterization as over-exaggerating the 
genetic 
case for traits).  Political values are transmitted largely via the family 
(I assume this is true,  but would have to explore the research on it). So I 
could imagine a very  interesting adoption study where the trait openness 
of the biological _parents_ (http://www.psychologytoday.com/basics/parenting) 
 could be analyzed and compared to the  political ideology of the adoptive 
family in predicting the adopted individual's  political values. If anyone 
knows of research on this topic, I would love to  hear it.
 
The third and primary empirical point of Haidt's talk is about his own  
research on the five _moral_ 
(http://www.psychologytoday.com/basics/ethics-and-morality)  value systems that 
he argues underlie the  liberal-conservative 
political dimension: 1) Care for Others/Do no harm; 2)  
Fairness/Justice/Equality; 3) In-Group Loyalty; 4) Respect for Authority; and 
5)  Purity. His 
research shows-across large numbers of people and many different  
countries-that there are very reliable differences in the degree to which  
liberals and 
conservatives differ in the extent to which they endorse these  values. 
Conservatives tend to value the five domains relatively equally.  Liberals, in 
contrast, value the first two domains much more than the latter  three.
 
 
Haidt's final point is we need metacognitive awareness about "the Moral  
Matrix". Speaking to a group dominated by liberals, Haidt argues that we 
should  be very aware that such a group (and disciplines like psychology) 
likely 
have  massive biases against conservative viewpoints. Moreover, Haidt argues 
(or  implies), conservatives actually have a more complicated moral system, 
 consisting all of the five values, whereas liberals are dominated by just 
two.  He asks that we step outside our systems and understand the other 
point of  view. 
There is much about Haidt's work that I like, not the least of which is 
that  it opens up large doors to ask important questions about the relationship 
 between psychology and politics. Consider, for example, the question: Why 
are so  many psychologists liberal? Does psychology have an 
anti-conservative bias? Or  is conservatism defined against psychology in some 
way? (Note: 
If you are  curious, Steve Quackenbush and I wrote an article on the 
interface between _Clinical Psychology and  Politics_ 
(http://unifiedtheoryofpsychology.files.wordpress.com/2011/11/clinical-psychology-and-politics-final.doc)
 
). If psychology is going to have a large scale  impact on how humans think 
and govern themselves, this is a crucial question the  field ought to 
wrestle with.
 
Another reason I like Haidt's work is because it is built on a 
sophisticated  social-cognitive conception of mind and morality that is very 
congruent 
with the  unified theory (e.g., see this article on the _Emotional dog_ 
(http://unifiedtheoryofpsychology.files.wordpress.com/2011/11/emotional-dog.pdf)
  
and  Its Rational Tail). 
Another positive is that he really has done an excellent job documenting 
key  value differences underlying liberal and conservative viewpoints, which 
is  extremely useful and helpful. 
Finally, I very much share and agree with his perspective that we must have 
 the metacognitive awareness to step outside the moral matrix and observe  
ourselves in relationship to others. I believe the ToK System is the 
ultimate  meta-perspective that allows us to do that. Of course, that doesn't 
mean 
we  should stay "above the fray" because there are real issues that we need 
to be  for and against, but it does mean we should be able to get  
perspective.
 
The positives acknowledged, I do have some criticisms. The first  
criticism-and I think a fairly significant one-is that I think Haidt  
misrepresents 
the moral values of liberals. He argues repeatedly that liberals  only value 
do no harm and fairness. However, that is not really what his data  say. A 
closer examination reveals that it is not accurate to claim that liberals  
think that in-group loyalty, respect for authority, and purity have NO  
relevance. That would be a score of a 0 on his scale. If you look at the 
graphs,  
they actually generally cluster around a score of a 2, which I believe  
corresponds to 'somewhat relevant'. So the correct interpretation is that  
liberals value do no harm and fairness MORE than the other three, but they 
value  
the others to some degree. To me, this interpretation changes the feel of 
Jon's  conclusions and message. Shouldn't we vote for a government that 
emphasizes "do  no harm" and "fairness" over "respect for authority, in-group 
loyalty and  purity"? Haidt wants the liberals in the audience to become 
reflective and  wonder the extent to which they are blinded by the Moral 
Matrix. 
He uses the  interesting argument that conservatives have five moral value 
systems operating,  whereas liberals only have two. This catches the attention 
of the liberals,  which I think is a good thing, because it suggests that 
liberals may actually be  less complex in their thinking, which would come as 
a shock to their system ).  However, what if we simply asked the question: 
What values should our government  be operating from? And answer that by 
saying that in-group loyalty, purity and  respect for authority SHOULD EQUAL 
fairness and do no harm, my guess is many in  the audience would say that is a 
seriously flawed value system. In group  loyalty, purity and respect for 
authority are somewhat relevant, but not nearly  as relevant as the other two. 
>From this framing, the question shifts from why do  liberals value only two 
of the five to why do conservatives value each equally?  And that changes 
much of the implication of what Haidt is arguing for. (As an  aside, there is 
some very interesting work done on the construct of Ego  Development and 
from that literature there is good reason for believing that a  liberal view 
represents a higher stage in ego development than a traditional  social 
conservative view. This analysis offers another answer of why so many  
intellectuals are liberal relative to conservative-one that is quite different  
than 
Haidt's message!)
 
The second criticism I have is that many of the variables are confounded.  
First, he talks about traits, which he does so to set the stage that the 
mind  has a foundational architecture. But he does not really connect the dots 
between  Openness to Experience and the five moral systems (although I have 
not read all  of his stuff, I have not seen this in his writing either). I 
do not believe a  factor analysis of openness to experience would yield 
Haidt's moral systems. So  the connection between trait Openness and the five 
moral systems remains  nebulous to me. A related criticism is that by 
connecting the moral values to  liberal and conservative viewpoints, he is 
confounding morality with beliefs  about the proper role and function of 
government. 
He also walks a very fine line  between morality as a scientific construct 
(which means it is a descriptive  construct...we operationalize it and examine 
moral beliefs and how this impacts  actions and policies) and morality as a 
prescriptive construct (we ought to be  functioning via valuing the five 
moral systems equally).
 
This last point gives rise to a final criticism, which is that the list of  
moral systems or concerns does not seem complete. First, while these may be 
five  dimensions that liberals and conservatives consider when voting for a 
 government, it seems to me there are other dimensions. Think, for example, 
of  libertarians. Haidt mentions briefly in the talk that he has some ideas 
about  Libertarians, but he does not come back to them. He is working on 
this, and I  recommend interested readers check out a _blog_ 
(http://www.polipsych.com/)  that deal with moral and political issues and  
specifically has 
a _paper dealing with libertarians_ 
(http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1665934) . But  my point 
would be that libertarians hold 
extremely dear to the value of human  freedom. (Come to think of it, so do I!) 
But 
where does freedom fit into the  scheme? Surely, freedom is a moral-
political-governmental value? The paper  acknowledges the value libertarians 
put on 
freedom, but after reading through it  I remained unclear exactly how 
freedom fits into the five systems. A related  issue is that Haidt was talking 
about social issues, but as the libertarian  perspective suggests, social and 
economic views are somewhat intertwined. This  leads to the question: Are 
Haidt's five systems moral systems or are they  beliefs about the things 
governments should concern themselves with?  
In sum, Haidt is blazing some very important trails. The five value systems 
 approach is intriguing, his data sets are impressive and clearly he has 
added  much to our _understanding_ 
(http://www.psychologytoday.com/basics/empathy)  of differences between liberal 
and  conservative values. He is also 
doing a great service to psychology by raising  the issue of politics and the 
relationship between the _discipline_ 
(http://www.psychologytoday.com/basics/self-control)  and political viewpoints. 
Like Haidt, I  do believe there 
are very important questions to be asked regarding the  relationship between 
politics and science in general and psychology in  particular. Areas for 
future development include clarity about the _nature_ 
(http://www.psychologytoday.com/basics/environment)  of the "moral systems" 
relative to other  
constructs like traits and confounding issues like governmental _philosophy_ 
(http://www.psychologytoday.com/basics/philosophy) , clarity about descriptive 
relative to  prescriptive aspects of morality and related questions about how 
he is framing  his results, and questions about the completeness of the five 
systems, at the  very least addressing the question of individual  freedoms.

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