Remarkable and depressing. Yet there should be a way to use this dynamic for 
good...

Sent from my iPhone

> On Oct 26, 2014, at 21:11, BILROJ via Centroids: The Center of the Radical 
> Centrist Community <[email protected]> wrote:
> 
>  
>  
> W Post
> The depressing psychological theory that explains Washington
> 
>  
>  
> By Ezra Klein   /  January 10
> Dylan Matthews's "Five conservative reforms millennials should be fighting 
> for" isn't just an admirably intricate piece of trolling. It's a perfect 
> illustration of why you can't take Washington's policy debates at face value. 
> You can't understand what's happened to Congress in recent years if you don't 
> understand what Matthews did in that piece.
> 
> A bit of background. On Jan. 3, Jesse Myerson published an article in Rolling 
> Stone with the innocuous title "Five Economic Reforms Millennials Should Be 
> Fighting For." Myerson frames his agenda as an effort to do away with 
> unemployment, jobs, landlords, private capital ownership and Wall Street. 
> Those last four, as you might expect, made conservatives' heads explode.
> 
> "If you’re a Millennial who loves bread lines, prison camps, forced famines, 
> and abject human misery, then you’ll love the latest offering from Rolling 
> Stone," wrote the Federalist's Sean Davis.
> 
> But the policies Myerson advocates are rather less radical. His agenda, at 
> its core, calls for a work guarantee, a basic minimum income, a land-value 
> tax, a sovereign wealth fund and a public banking option. As Dylan Matthews 
> noticed, all these policies that Republicans were labeling as socialism have 
> been endorsed by major conservatives. So he rewrote Myerson's piece from the 
> conservative point of view, advocating all the same policies but changing  
> those cited as authorities and those blamed for the state of the economy.
> 
> All of a sudden, conservatives liked the article, and liberals -- well, 
> liberals didn't really like Dylan anymore. And they told him so in pretty 
> offensive terms.
> 
> Two articles both advocating the exact same policies. But one of them 
> thrilled liberals and infuriated conservatives. The other infuriated liberals 
> and thrilled conservatives.
> 
> Oftentimes when we think we're engaged in reasoned policy discussion we're 
> actually engaged in complex efforts to rationalize the direction in which our 
> tribal affiliations are pushing us. Psychologists call this motivated 
> reasoning. And they've shown its power in laboratory settings again and again 
> and again.
> 
> Geoffrey Cohen, a professor of psychology at Stanford, has shown how 
> motivated reasoning can drive even the opinions of engaged partisans. In 
> 2003, when he was an assistant professor at Yale, Cohen asked a group of 
> undergraduates, who had previously described their political views as either 
> very liberal or very conservative, to participate in a test to study, they 
> were told, their “memory of everyday current events.”
> 
>  
>  
> The students were shown two articles: one was a generic news story; the other 
> described a proposed welfare policy. The first article was a decoy; it was 
> the students’ reactions to the second that interested Cohen. He was actually 
> testing whether party identifications influence voters when they evaluate new 
> policies. To find out, he produced multiple versions of the welfare article. 
> Some students read about a program that was extremely generous—more generous, 
> in fact, than any welfare policy that has ever existed in the United 
> States—while others were presented with a very stingy proposal. But there was 
> a twist: some versions of the article about the generous proposal portrayed 
> it as being endorsed by Republican Party leaders; and some versions of the 
> article about the meagre program described it as having Democratic support. 
> The results showed  that, “for both liberal and conservative participants, 
> the effect of reference group information overrode that of policy content. If 
> their party endorsed it,  liberals supported even a harsh welfare program, 
> and conservatives supported even a lavish one.”
> In a subsequent study involving just self-described liberal students, Cohen 
> gave half the group news stories that had accompanying Democratic 
> endorsements and the other half news stories that did not. The students who 
> didn’t get the endorsements preferred a more generous program. When they did 
> get the endorsements, they went with their party, even if this meant 
> embracing a meaner option.
> 
> Anyone who's been around Washington for long will recognize this pattern. In 
> the 1990s, the individual mandate was a conservative idea that emphasized 
> individual responsibility. But once Democrats adopted it, it became, to 
> conservatives, an unconstitutional exercise in government coercion. During 
> the Bush years, Republicans voted for deficit-financed stimulus bills. After 
> Barack Obama became president, they decided the evidence against 
> deficit-financed stimulus bills was overwhelmingly persuasive. During the 
> Bush years, Democrats were deeply concerned about government surveillance, 
> while Republicans were more comfortable with a powerful executive. In the 
> Obama years, polls show Democrats far more comfortable with the National 
> Security Agency's spying than Republicans.
> 
>  
> In theory, the two parties represent distinct political philosophies, and 
> those distinct political philosophies help shape their differing policy 
> agendas. In recent years, there's been a lot of interesting work from 
> psychologists arguing that the differences go even deeper than that: 
> Democrats and Republicans intuitively respond to different underlying moral 
> systems, and so their philosophies actually rest on something more 
> fundamental than mere partisan affiliation.
> 
>  
> The problem is that human beings are incredibly good at rationalizing their 
> way to whatever conclusion their group wants them to reach. And most policies 
> can be supported -- or opposed -- on many grounds. It's all about which parts 
> people choose to emphasize. A conservative who emphasizes individual  
> responsibility and loathes government coercion can find good reasons both to 
> support and oppose the individual mandate. A liberal who believes both in 
> security and civil liberties can decide to believe the FISA courts are an 
> effective check on the NSA or totally insufficient. There are more than 
> enough validators out there who're willing to arm a partisan with information 
> for whatever conclusion they prefer. “Once group loyalties are engaged, you 
> can’t change people’s minds by utterly refuting their arguments," political 
> psychologist Jonathan Haidt once told me. "Thinking is mostly just 
> rationalization, mostly just a search for supporting evidence.”
> The beliefs that result aren't held cynically. They're held sincerely. And 
> that's much more powerful. Even when people flip positions entirely, they 
> believe they've done so because they've absorbed new evidence and changed 
> their mind. What could be more honest than that? The fact that the transition 
> aligned exactly with the changing interests of their party is just an 
> interesting coincidence.
> 
> Worse, the world is complex, and very few of us can take the time to develop 
> sound opinions on the vast range of issues that arise in Washington. Even if 
> you're a health-care expert, the likelihood that you're also an expert on 
> Chinese currency manipulation, and ethnic tensions in Syria, and prison 
> policy, is pretty slim. So people end up relying on the authorities we trust, 
> be they media figures, issue advocacy groups or politicians. But those 
> validators aren't simply concerned with the truth. They're looking to get 
> ratings, to fundraise, to maximize their influence, to get reelected, to 
> retain standing among their peers. Their reasoning is motivated, too. But 
> that's not how their followers see them.
> 
>  
> The result is that much of politics takes the form of tribal fights that feel 
> to the participants like high-minded policy debates. In that way, the only 
> thing unusual about Dylan's piece was that the author knew what he was doing.
> 
> -- 
> -- 
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