Wolff: MSNBC loses  election
Michael Wolff,  USA TODAY 11:58 a.m. EST November  10, 2014

 
 
Is a vote against a political party also a vote against the network that  
supports it? 
The Democrats' sinking fortunes have been pretty accurately charted in the  
declining ratings at MSNBC, the party's house network, which culminated, on 
 election night, in _a  22% fall_ 
(http://www.nytimes.com/2014/11/06/business/media/fox-election-coverage-draws-biggest-share-of-a-less-than-rapt-audien
ce.html?_r=0)  from the last midterm election in the all-important 25-to-54 
age  group. 
MSNBC's problem is almost exactly the same as the Democrats' problem: It  
built its future around a vivid and dramatic hero who, unfortunately, turned 
out  to be both opaque and conflict averse. MSNBC now has a lineup of 
ever-righteous  and often sulky defenders of President Barack Obama, who seem, 
not 
just to  conservatives but to many liberals, too, bizarrely tone deaf and 
lost in  time. 
This is just the sort of bad zeitgeist bet that can so often happen in  
television programming. 
The network, seeking to imitate Fox's success in building a loyal audience 
of  politically motivated viewers, first managed to boost its low ratings by 
 aligning itself with the widespread anti-Bush feeling. Then, thinking it 
had hit  something of a jackpot with the Obama election, it became the voice 
of Obama's  anticipated remaking of the nation. 
But at Fox, Roger Ailes, the chief, has deep roots in conservative 
thinking.  Fox's alignment against all things liberal, which first began in 
President Bill  Clinton's Lewinsky years, has had a remarkably successful run 
because of Ailes'  fine antennae as to the subtle changes in conservative 
aspirations and  temperament. 
At MSNBC, it was more an outsider's calculated strategy, even a cynical 
one,  to build an Obama-centric network. Not that different, say, from some 
Manhattan  old guys doing a show about Brooklyn girls. Or suits in New York 
thinking duck  hunters might be cool. Sometimes it works, sometimes it doesn't. 
And, indeed, it  seemed like a reasonable bet that Obama would be good 
television. 
MSNBC's president, Phil Griffin, is not a political person. He's a TV pro.  
(Ailes, at Fox, has the virtue of being both a gifted political operative 
as  well as an experienced programmer.) Griffin is a pro who has likely 
survived  less because of innovative, golden-gut programming instincts than 
because of  just plain old survival instincts. At MSNBC, he played the 
cable-niche hand he  was dealt. 
The network, a hopeless laggard, finally started to break out of the cable  
news depths when its anchorman, Keith Olbermann, began to rant against 
President  George W. Bush and against Fox. Olbermann quickly became MSNBC's 
star 
and big  kahuna, and was behind the hiring of liberal radio commentator 
Rachel Maddow,  who became a second anti-Bush, pro-democratic programming 
pillar. Olbermann,  however, famously difficult, was ousted by his NBC bosses. 
That left Griffin to  pursue, with quite some hyperbole and inadvertent 
self-caricature — including  Alec Baldwin's brief moment and Ronan Farrow's 
agonizingly longer one — a  programming strategy to support the Democrats and 
adulate Obama. 
Arguably, this strategy was bucking another development, both linked to 
Obama  but larger than him, too: an erosion of political interest, and 
shrinking of the  dedicated core. Beyond the Republican victory last week, the 
more 
indicative  trend, crucial to both parties as well as to the news media, was 
the perilous  drop for all networks in election night viewership, with all 
experiencing a  dramatic fall-off from the 2010 midterms. Gridlock is not 
much of a story, after  all. And social issues, which had fueled a decade or 
more of political scares,  seem increasingly neutralized and no longer such 
cliff-hangers in the  narrative. 
This erosion suggests that the new core will be ever-smaller than the  
previous core, meaning the networks will need even more vividness and heroism  
and home team razzmatazz to focus the niche, just at a moment when political  
drama and pride, especially for the Democrats, are in vastly short supply. 
Or,  alternatively and precariously, they will have to enlarge the niche — 
"We've got  to get outside Washington and open up our aperture a little," 
Griffin _told  The New York Times_ 
(http://www.nytimes.com/2014/10/13/business/media/leaning-forward-msnbc-loses-ground-to-rival-cnn-.html)
  — quite a 
dangerous, even existential, play in  cable television, where the niche is the 
brand. And yet where is there to  go? 
In the past, when the Republican's have lost, Fox has doubled down on 
outrage  and fervor. This seems harder to do in the stub years of the Obama 
term. 
It's  not just an Obama problem, but a Hillary problem, too. 
In character terms, the problem is making Obama sympathetic and compelling  
when he appears not to want to be either of those things. In dramatic 
terms, the  problem is that he seems inclined to shrink in the face conflict 
rather than  rise to it. Who really is eager to watch the Obama show? 
Then, in a major setback for MSNBC, the upcoming presidential election,  
ordinarily a reliable narrative of shifting alliance and oddball characters 
and,  ideally, uncertain outcome, is frozen in place by Hillary Clinton. There 
is no  story as far as the Democrats are concerned. There is nothing to 
unfold. 
Who, but a dedicated masochist, will diligently watch that show? Clinton is 
a  purposeful non-character. And what she stands for, largely some grand  
establishment return, is the opposite of the sense of insurgency that makes 
for  political storytelling. Such storytelling is what Ailes has so 
successfully, and  for so long, convinced Republicans was good for them. (Of 
course, 
good for him,  as well.) 
That is finally the point. Griffin is no Ailes. And MSNBC is not Fox, with  
its ability to direct as well as portray the political drama. A poor 
political  operative, Griffin has painted himself into a corner like political 
parties so  often do, losing the base, and yet without the philosophical 
wherewithal to  appeal to a larger group. There is the broken clock theory of 
politics and cable  programming, in which, if you just keep doing what you're 
doing, the zeitgeist  returns to you. But politicians and media executives, 
swimming against the tide,  usually lose their jobs before their hour  returns.

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