NYT
 
The Blasphemy We Need
 

January 7, 2015

 
In the wake of _the  vicious murders_ 
(http://www.nytimes.com/2015/01/08/world/europe/charlie-hebdo-paris-shooting.html?hp&action=click&pgtype=Homepage&;
module=span-ab-top-region&region=top-news&WT.nav=top-news)  at the offices 
of the satirical French newspaper Charlie  Hebdo today, let me offer three 
tentative premises about blasphemy in a free  society. 
1) The right to blaspheme (and  otherwise give offense) is essential to the 
liberal order. 
2) There is no duty to  blaspheme, a society’s liberty is not proportional 
to the quantity of  blasphemy it produces, and under many circumstances the 
choice to give offense  (religious and otherwise) can be reasonably 
criticized as pointlessly  antagonizing, needlessly cruel, or simply stupid. 
3) The legitimacy and wisdom of  criticism directed at offensive speech is 
generally inversely proportional to  the level of mortal danger that the 
blasphemer brings upon himself. 
The first point means that  laws against blasphemy (usually described these 
days as “restrictions on hate  speech”) are inherently illiberal. The 
second point means that a  certain cultural restraint about trafficking in 
blasphemy is perfectly  compatible with liberal norms, and that there’s nothing 
illiberal about  questioning the wisdom or propriety or decency of cartoons 
or articles or  anything else that takes a crude or bigoted swing at 
something that a portion of  the population holds sacred. Such questioning can 
certainly shade into illiberal  territory — _and  does_ 
(http://www.nytimes.com/2014/12/21/opinion/sunday/ross-douthat-north-korea-and-the-speech-police.html)
 , all-too-frequently — depending on exactly how much pressure is  exerted 
and how elastic the definition of “offensiveness” becomes. But our  basic 
liberties are not necessarily endangered when,  say, the Anti-Defamation 
League criticizes Mel Gibson’s portrayal of  the Sanhedrin in “The Passion of 
the Christ” or the Catholic League  denounces art exhibits in the style of “
Piss Christ,” any more than  they’re endangered by the absence of grotesque 
caricatures of Moses or the  Virgin Mary from the pages of the Washington 
Post and New York Times. Liberty  requires accepting the freedom to offend, 
yes, but it also allows people,  institutions and communities to both call 
for and exercise restraint. 
In this sense I disagree  slightly with _Jonathan  Chait’s formulation 
today_ 
(http://nymag.com/daily/intelligencer/2015/01/charlie-hebdo-and-the-right-to-commit-blasphemy.html)
  that “one cannot defend the right [to blaspheme] 
 without defending the practice.” If I devoted my next blog post to a 
scabrous,  profanity-laced satire of the Buddha, I would not expect Chait or 
anyone else to  immediately leap to my defense if the Times decided to delete 
the post and  dismiss me from its ranks of columnists. If I ran a reactionary 
website that  devoted itself to recycling pre-modern calumnies against 
Jewish law and  ritual, my rights as an American would not be traduced if 
people 
picketed  my offices and other journalists told me I had a moral obligation  
to desist. And similarly, in a cultural and political vacuum, it would  be 
okay to think that some of the images (anti-Islamic and otherwise) that  
Charlie Hebdo regularly published, especially those chosen entirely for their  
shock value, contributed little enough to public discussion that the world 
would  not suffer from their absence. 
But we are not in a vacuum.  We are in a situation where my third point 
applies,  because the kind of blasphemy that Charlie Hebdo engaged in had 
deadly  consequences, as everyone knew it could … and that kind of blasphemy is 
 
precisely the kind that needs to be defended, because it’s the kind that 
clearly  serves a free society’s greater good. If a large enough group of 
someones is  willing to kill you for saying something, then it’s something that 
almost  certainly needs to be said, because otherwise the violent have veto 
power over  liberal civilization, and when that scenario obtains it isn’t 
really a liberal  civilization any more. Again, liberalism doesn’t depend on 
everyone offending  everyone else all the time, and it’s okay to prefer a 
society where offense for  its own sake is limited rather than pervasive. But 
when offenses are policed by  murder, that’s when we need more of them, not 
less, because the murderers cannot  be allowed for a single moment to think 
that their strategy can succeed. 
In this sense, many of the  Western voices criticizing the editors of Hebdo 
have had things exactly  backward: Whether it’s _the  Obama White House_ 
(http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2012/09/19/press-briefing-press-sec
retary-jay-carney-91912)  or _Time  Magazine_ 
(http://world.time.com/2011/11/02/firebombed-french-paper-a-victim-of-islamistsor-its-own-obnoxious-islamo
phobia/)  in the past or _the  Financial Times_ 
(http://www.ft.com/intl/cms/s/0/9f90f482-9672-11e4-a40b-00144feabdc0.html?siteedition=intl#axzz3O9Xo9vKk
)  and (God help us) _the Catholic  League_ 
(http://www.catholicleague.org/muslims-right-angry/)  today, they’ve criticized 
the paper for provoking 
violence by  being needlessly offensive and “inflammatory” (Jay Carney’s 
phrase), when the  reality is that it’s precisely the violence that justifies 
the 
 inflammatory content. In a different context, a context where the cartoons 
and  other provocations only inspired angry press releases and furious blog 
 comments, I might sympathize with the FT’s Tony Barber when he writes that 
 publications like Hebdo “purport to strike a blow for freedom when they 
provoke  Muslims, but are actually just being stupid.” (If all you have to 
fear is a  religious group’s fax machine, what you’re doing might not be as  
truth-to-power-ish as you think.) But if publishing something might get you  
slaughtered and you publish it anyway, by definition you are striking a  
blow for freedom, and that’s precisely the context when you need your fellow  
citizens to set aside their squeamishness and rise to your defense. 
Whereas far too often in the  West today the situation is basically 
reversed: People will invoke free speech  to justify just about any kind of 
offense 
or provocation or simple exploitation  (“if we don’t go full-frontal seven 
times on ‘Game of Thrones’ tonight, man, the  First Amendment dies”), and 
then scurry for cover as soon _as there’s a  whiff of actual danger_ 
(http://www.nytimes.com/2010/04/26/opinion/26douthat.html) , a hint that “bold” 
envelope-pushing might  require actual bravery after all. 
It’s safe to say that the late  Christopher Hitchens had a more positive 
view of blasphemy than the one I’ve  sketched above, and a more capacious view 
of the situations in which it’s worth  praising and defending. But on this 
point I’m in complete agreement with  these words of his, from _a  2006 
column_ 
(http://www.slate.com/articles/news_and_politics/fighting_words/2006/02/cartoon_debate.html)
  that’s made the rounds today: 
When Salman Rushdie published  The Satanic Verses in 1988, he did so in the 
hope of forwarding a  discussion that was already opening in the Muslim 
world, between extreme  Quranic literalists and those who hoped that the text 
could be interpreted. We  know what his own reward was, and we sometimes 
forget that the fatwa  was directed not just against him but against “all those 
involved in its  publication,” which led to the murder of the book’s 
Japanese translator and  the near-deaths of another translator and one 
publisher. 
I went on  Crossfire at one point, to debate some spokesman for outraged 
faith,  and said that we on our side would happily debate the propriety of 
using holy  writ for literary and artistic purposes. But that we would not  
exchange a word until the person on the other side of the podium had put away  
his gun. 
The emphasis is my own, because  that’s the crucial point. Must all 
deliberate offense-giving, in any context, be  celebrated, honored, praised? I 
think not. But in the presence of the  gun — or, as in the darker chapters of 
my 
own faith’s history, the rack or the  stake — both liberalism and liberty 
require that it be  welcomed and defended.

-- 
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Centroids: The Center of the Radical Centrist Community 
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Radical Centrism website and blog: http://RadicalCentrism.org

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