Well said, as usual.

> On Jan 9, 2015, at 8:43 AM, BILROJ via Centroids: The Center of the Radical 
> Centrist Community <[email protected]> wrote:
> 
>  
>  
>  
> NYT
> The Blasphemy We Need
> 
> January 7, 2015
> In the wake of the vicious murders 
> <http://www.nytimes.com/2015/01/08/world/europe/charlie-hebdo-paris-shooting.html?hp&action=click&pgtype=Homepage&module=span-ab-top-region&region=top-news&WT.nav=top-news>
>  at the offices of the satirical French newspaper Charlie Hebdo today, let me 
> offer three tentative premises about blasphemy in a free society.
> 
> 1) The right to blaspheme (and otherwise give offense) is essential to the 
> liberal order.
> 
> 2) There is no duty to blaspheme, a society’s liberty is not proportional to 
> the quantity of blasphemy it produces, and under many circumstances the 
> choice to give offense (religious and otherwise) can be reasonably criticized 
> as pointlessly antagonizing, needlessly cruel, or simply stupid.
> 
> 3) The legitimacy and wisdom of criticism directed at offensive speech is 
> generally inversely proportional to the level of mortal danger that the 
> blasphemer brings upon himself.
> 
> The first point means that laws against blasphemy (usually described these 
> days as “restrictions on hate speech”) are inherently illiberal. The second 
> point means that a certain cultural restraint about trafficking in blasphemy 
> is perfectly  compatible with liberal norms, and that there’s nothing 
> illiberal about questioning the wisdom or propriety or decency of cartoons or 
> articles or anything else that takes a crude or bigoted swing at something 
> that a portion of the population holds sacred. Such questioning can certainly 
> shade into illiberal territory — and does 
> <http://www.nytimes.com/2014/12/21/opinion/sunday/ross-douthat-north-korea-and-the-speech-police.html>,
>  all-too-frequently — depending on exactly how much pressure is exerted and 
> how elastic the definition of “offensiveness” becomes. But our basic 
> liberties are not necessarily endangered when, say, the Anti-Defamation 
> League criticizes Mel Gibson’s portrayal of the Sanhedrin in “The Passion of 
> the Christ” or the Catholic League denounces art exhibits in the style of 
> “Piss Christ,” any more than they’re endangered by the absence of grotesque 
> caricatures of Moses or the Virgin Mary from the pages of the Washington Post 
> and New York Times. Liberty requires accepting the freedom to offend, yes, 
> but it also allows people, institutions and communities to both call for and 
> exercise restraint.
> 
> In this sense I disagree slightly with Jonathan Chait’s formulation today 
> <http://nymag.com/daily/intelligencer/2015/01/charlie-hebdo-and-the-right-to-commit-blasphemy.html>
>  that “one cannot defend the right [to blaspheme] without defending the 
> practice.” If I devoted my next blog post to a scabrous, profanity-laced 
> satire of the Buddha, I would not expect Chait or anyone else to immediately 
> leap to my defense if the Times decided to delete the post and dismiss me 
> from its ranks of columnists. If I ran a reactionary website that devoted 
> itself to recycling pre-modern calumnies against Jewish law and ritual, my 
> rights as an American would not be traduced if people picketed my offices and 
> other journalists told me I had a moral obligation to desist. And similarly, 
> in a cultural and political vacuum, it would be okay to think that some of 
> the images (anti-Islamic and otherwise) that Charlie Hebdo regularly 
> published, especially those chosen entirely for their shock value, 
> contributed little enough to public discussion that the world would not 
> suffer from their absence.
> 
> But we are not in a vacuum. We are in a situation where my third point 
> applies, because the kind of blasphemy that Charlie Hebdo engaged in had 
> deadly consequences, as everyone knew it could … and that kind of blasphemy 
> is precisely the kind that needs to be defended, because it’s the kind that 
> clearly serves a free society’s greater good. If a large enough group of 
> someones is willing to kill you for saying something, then it’s something 
> that almost certainly needs to be said, because otherwise the violent have 
> veto power over liberal civilization, and when that scenario obtains it isn’t 
> really a liberal civilization any more. Again, liberalism doesn’t depend on 
> everyone offending everyone else all the time, and it’s okay to prefer a 
> society where offense for its own sake is limited rather than pervasive. But 
> when offenses are policed by murder, that’s when we need more of them, not 
> less, because the murderers cannot be allowed for a single moment to think 
> that their strategy can succeed.
> 
> In this sense, many of the Western voices criticizing the editors of Hebdo 
> have had things exactly backward: Whether it’s the Obama White House 
> <http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2012/09/19/press-briefing-press-secretary-jay-carney-91912>
>  or Time Magazine 
> <http://world.time.com/2011/11/02/firebombed-french-paper-a-victim-of-islamistsor-its-own-obnoxious-islamophobia/>
>  in the past or the Financial Times 
> <http://www.ft.com/intl/cms/s/0/9f90f482-9672-11e4-a40b-00144feabdc0.html?siteedition=intl#axzz3O9Xo9vKk>
>  and (God help us) the Catholic League 
> <http://www.catholicleague.org/muslims-right-angry/> today, they’ve 
> criticized the paper for provoking violence by being needlessly offensive and 
> “inflammatory” (Jay Carney’s phrase), when the reality is that it’s precisely 
> the violence that justifies the inflammatory content. In a different context, 
> a context where the cartoons and other provocations only inspired angry press 
> releases and furious blog comments, I might sympathize with the FT’s Tony 
> Barber when he writes that publications like Hebdo “purport to strike a blow 
> for freedom when they provoke Muslims, but are actually just being stupid.” 
> (If all you have to fear is a religious group’s fax machine, what you’re 
> doing might not be as truth-to-power-ish as you think.) But if publishing 
> something might get you slaughtered and you publish it anyway, by definition 
> you are striking a blow for freedom, and that’s precisely the context when 
> you need your fellow citizens to set aside their squeamishness and rise to 
> your defense.
> 
> Whereas far too often in the West today the situation is basically reversed: 
> People will invoke free speech to justify just about any kind of offense or 
> provocation or simple exploitation (“if we don’t go full-frontal seven times 
> on ‘Game of Thrones’ tonight, man, the First Amendment dies”), and then 
> scurry for cover as soon as there’s a whiff of actual danger 
> <http://www.nytimes.com/2010/04/26/opinion/26douthat.html>, a hint that 
> “bold” envelope-pushing might require actual bravery after all.
> 
> It’s safe to say that the late Christopher Hitchens had a more positive view 
> of blasphemy than the one I’ve sketched above, and a more capacious view of 
> the situations in which it’s worth praising and defending. But on this point 
> I’m in complete agreement with these words of his, from a 2006 column 
> <http://www.slate.com/articles/news_and_politics/fighting_words/2006/02/cartoon_debate.html>
>  that’s made the rounds today:
> 
> When Salman Rushdie published The Satanic Verses in 1988, he did so in the 
> hope of forwarding a discussion that was already opening in the Muslim world, 
> between extreme Quranic literalists and those who hoped that the text could 
> be interpreted. We know what his own reward was, and we sometimes forget that 
> the fatwa was directed not just against him but against “all those involved 
> in its publication,” which led to the murder of the book’s Japanese 
> translator and the near-deaths of another translator and one publisher. I 
> went on Crossfire at one point, to debate some spokesman for outraged faith, 
> and said that we on our side would happily debate the propriety of using holy 
> writ for literary and artistic purposes. But that we would not exchange a 
> word until the person on the other side of the podium had put away his gun. 
> 
> The emphasis is my own, because that’s the crucial point. Must all deliberate 
> offense-giving, in any context, be celebrated, honored, praised? I think not. 
> But in the presence of the gun — or, as in the darker chapters of my own 
> faith’s history, the rack or the stake — both liberalism and liberty require 
> that it be welcomed and defended.
> 
> 
> -- 
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  • [RC] Ro... BILROJ via Centroids: The Center of the Radical Centrist Community
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