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John Judis: About that “emerging Democratic majority’ thing… yeah…
 
posted at 10:31 am on February 2, 2015 by Noah Rothman


 
In the 2002 book co-authored with Ruy Teixeira, John B. Judis’s argument in 
 favor of an “emerging Democratic majority” was a compelling one.  
The theory held that a rising coalition of Democratic voters and shifts in  
the nation’s demographic makeup would create the conditions in which 
Democrats  would find it easier to win statewide and national office. For a 
time, 
this  prediction appeared prescient.  
_Writing  in The Atlantic_ 
(http://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2012/11/the-emerging-democratic-majority-turns-10/265005/)
  on the ten year 
anniversary of The Emerging  Democratic Majority’s publication, Teixeira 
highlighted a paragraph that  summed up their theory. He posited that the 
Democrats
’ winning coalition was  evident as long ago as 1972, a year in which the 
party suffered a crippling  national loss to Republicans and President 
Richard Nixon.  
What did it matter if McGovern won Alameda County and San Francisco but  
decisively lost Los Angeles and San Diego? Or that he did better among working 
 women than men, and among professionals than blue collar workers, but 
still  lost a majority of all these voters? Thirty years later, however, these  
anomalies loom larger. Women are still voting more Democratic than men, but  
they are also voting much more Democratic than Republican, particularly 
women  who now work outside the home, single women and women with college 
degrees.  Minorities, once about ten percent of the voting electorate, now 
constitute  nineteen percent…They, too, are continuing to vote Democratic. 
Democrats are  winning even more decisively in college towns, and these towns 
and 
their  schools have become linked to entire regions like Silicon Valley and 
North  Carolina’s Research Triangle. And, skilled professionals have become a 
much  larger and a dependably Democratic voting group.
It is important to note what Judis and Teixeira do not argue. “Judis and  
Teixeira don’t argue, for instance, that Democrats are predestined to hold a  
permanent majority for several decades,” The New York Times analyst  Nate 
Cohen _wrote  for The New Republic_ 
(http://www.newrepublic.com/article/112870/emerging-democratic-majority-isnt-certainty-gop-change)
 . “Nor do they 
contend that Democrats can  abandon white working-class voters.” The EDM thesis 
rests on the notion that the  coalition of voters that Democrats have built 
over the decades will be able to  withstand the occasional bad election 
cycle and remain largely stable.  
But, while taking a victory lap in the wake of President Barack Obama’s 
2012  reelection victory, Teixeira inadvertently identified the fatal flaw in 
his and  Judis’s theory: Voters expected results from the party in which they 
had vested  new authority.  
Today’s Americans…want government to play an active and responsible role 
in  American life, guaranteeing a reasonable level of economic security to  
Americans rather than leaving them at the mercy of the market and the 
business  cycle. They want to preserve and strengthen Social Security and 
Medicare, 
 rather than privatize them. They want to modernize and upgrade public  
education, not abandon it. They want to exploit new bio-technologies and  
computer technologies in order to improve the quality of life. They do not  
want 
science held hostage to a religious or ideological agenda. And they want  
the social gains of the sixties consolidated, not rolled back; the wounds of  
race healed, not inflamed.
Much of this analysis is a product of its period. After six years of  
Democratic governance, Americans are no longer confident that Democrats can  
deliver economic security. They are skeptical of the long-term viability of the 
 
welfare state. They are deeply suspicious of the institution of public 
education  and its ability to provide a future for their children. And they 
have 
no  illusions about the Democratic Party’s commitment to healing racial 
divisions.  
Following two consecutive disastrous midterm elections into the Obama-era, 
_the  Democratic Party is in its worst position in 90 years_ 
(http://townhall.com/tipsheet/townhallmagazine/2015/01/05/obamas-shattered-presidency-n19387
22) . Democrats have lost  majorities in the House and the Senate – in the 
former, Republicans hold a  majority that is the largest it has been since 
Al Smith ran a quixotic campaign  for the White House as an urban progressive 
reformer and lost 40 states. On the  legislative level, Republicans now 
control 69 of 99 state-level chambers; the  Democratic Party’s “farm team” has 
been decimated. A whole generation of  aspiring Democratic officeholders 
saw their careers cut short under Obama’s  tenure in the Oval Office.  
It’s long past time to revisit the “emerging Democratic majority” theory 
and,  _in  the pages of National Journal this month_ 
(http://www.nationaljournal.com/magazine/the-emerging-republican-advantage-20150130)
 , Judis did 
just that. He  noted that the Democratic Party has continued to “hemorrhage” 
white  working-class voters at a pace that seems to have accelerated in the 
13 years  that have elapsed since EDM’s publication. What’s more, 
Republicans  have surprised Judis by proving quite competitive among formerly 
disaffected  Democratic voters in blue-collar and “lower-income service” 
occupations. “Call  them middle-class Americans,” Judis postulated.  
He added that issues like the size of government and taxes have become key  
factors for voters in once reliably Democratic states like Maryland. “Some  
Democrats tried to attribute [former Lt. Gov. Anthony] Brown’s defeat to 
racism,  but Brown was a bland technocrat in the mold of former Massachusetts 
Gov. Deval  Patrick,” Judis noted. “Instead, it appears that the [Maryland 
gubernatorial]  election hinged on taxes and the size of government—the 
questions to which  middle-class voters so often seem to return.” 
After the 2008 election, I thought Obama could create an enduring  
Democratic majority by responding aggressively to the Great Recession in the  
same 
way that Franklin Roosevelt had responded in 1933 to the Great  Depression. 
Obama, I believed, would finally bury the Reagan Republican  majority of 1980 
and inaugurate a new period of Democratic domination. 
In retrospect, that analogy was clearly flawed. Roosevelt took power after  
four years of the Great Depression, with Republicans and business 
thoroughly  discredited, and with the public (who lacked any safety net) ready 
to try 
 virtually anything to revive the economy. Obama’s situation was very  
different. Business was still powerful enough to threaten him if he went too  
far in trying to tame it. Much of the middle class and working class were  
still employed, and they saw Obama’s stimulus program—which was utterly  
necessary to stem the Great Recession—as an expansion of government at their  
expense.
…
It now appears that, in some form, the Republican era which  began in 1980 
is still with us. Reagan Republicanism—rooted in the  long-standing American 
distrust of government, but perhaps with its roughest  theocratic and 
insurrectionary edges sanded off for a national audience—is  still the default 
position of many of those Americans who regularly go to the  polls. It can be 
effectively challenged when Republicans become identified  with economic 
mismanagement or with military defeat. But after the memory of  such disasters 
has faded, the GOP coalition has reemerged—surprisingly intact  and ready 
for battle.
“Coalitions are like water balloons,” _Real  Clear Politics analyst Sean 
Trende wrote in 2013_ 
(http://www.realclearpolitics.com/articles/2013/07/01/gerrymandering_isnt_the_real_cause_of_polarization.html)
 . “You push down on 
one  side, and another side pops up.” 
“The actions of the GOP might hurt it with some groups, but good analysis  
acknowledges that the same is true for Democrats,” he continued. Trende has  
argued that American political coalitions come together and break apart  
regularly, and there is no such thing as a permanent anything in American  
politics. In The National Journal, Judis argues that Republicans are  the 
beneficiaries of an “emerging” electoral “advantage.” Republicans would be  
well-advised not to take Judis’s word for it. 

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