Not "the end" but something dubious is happening and its not good.
BR note
 
 
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Patheos
 
The Anxious Bench
 
 
 
 
The End of American Evangelicalism
March 16, 2016 by _johnturner_ 
(http://www.patheos.com/blogs/anxiousbench/author/johnturner/)  
 
One of the big surprises of 2016 is the extent of evangelical support for  
Donald Trump. As I mentioned several weeks ago, judging by historical  
precedents, evangelicals might well have divided their support among a number 
of  
candidates who spoke persuasively about their Christian faith, including 
Ted  Cruz, John Kasich, and the now-defunct Ben Carson, Marco Rubio, and Jeb 
Bush.  Nevertheless, in many early primaries, Trump attracted a plurality of 
the  Republican evangelical vote. 
This past Tuesday, things were more mixed. Trump nearly won an outright  
majority of the evangelical vote in _Florida_ 
(http://www.cnn.com/election/primaries/polls/fl/Rep) , but Ted Cruz  
out-performed him among such 
self-identified voters in _Missouri_ 
(http://edition.cnn.com/election/primaries/polls/mo/Rep)  (by quite a bit),  
_Illinois_ 
(http://www.cnn.com/election/primaries/polls/il/Rep)  (very narrowly),  and 
_North Carolina_ 
(http://www.cbsnews.com/elections/2016/primaries/republican/north-carolina/exit/)
  (even more  
narrowly). Kasich narrowly carried the evangelical vote in Ohio. 
Many journalists and other commentators have noted the fracturing of the  
evangelical vote in 2016 and sought to explain Trump’s success among this  
demographic. Stephen Prothero _offers a good starting  point_ 
(http://www.politico.com/magazine/story/2016/03/the-huge-cultural-shift-thats-helping-trump-w
in-evangelicals-213729)  for assessing these developments: “America’s 
evangelicals just aren’t  all that evangelical anymore.” 
So, what does it mean for someone to be an “evangelical?” Prothero 
suggests  that “what made an evangelical an evangelical was a born-again 
experience 
that  included accepting the Bible as the inspired word of God and giving 
one’s life  over to Jesus Christ as Lord and Savior. To a born-again 
Christian, following  Jesus came first. Everything else came in a distant 
second.” 
He suggests,  though, that this is no longer true for most self-identified “
evangelicals.”  It’s the Republican Party or whatever political savior 
appears that takes  priority over Jesus. 
I’m not convinced without further evidence that self-identified  “
evangelicals” are less evangelical than they were in ca. 1980. The positions of 
 
Jerry Falwell’s Moral Majority, after all, did not flow straight out of the New 
 Testament. 
The bigger issue here in my view is that journalists and pundits invest  “
evangelical” with overly broad meanings. First of all, most exit polls ask  
respondents whether they are “evangelical or born-again Christians.” If the  
question were simply, “Are you an evangelical?” many respondents might 
well be  confused, and journalists would probably identify fewer Americans as 
such. 
In the 1950s, the term “evangelical” or “new evangelical” had a 
particular  meaning, identifying a camp of theologically conservative 
Protestants led 
by  Carl F. H. Henry, Harold J. Ockenga, and, above all, Billy Graham, that 
wanted  to create a more attractive version of fundamentalism. Over time, 
though,  “evangelicals” won this internecine, intra-fundamentalist conflict. 
As the ranks  of self-identified “fundamentalists” narrowed, “evangelical”
 became shorthand in  many quarters for all theologically conservative 
Protestants, especially those  who placed a central importance on the 
born-again 
experience of conversion. 
Scholars, meanwhile, often define evangelicalism in terms that are  
simultaneously specific and vague. Following the lead of David Bebbington, they 
 
define evangelicals as Protestant Christians who place strong emphases on  
conversion; on biblical authority; on activism; and on the meaning of the  
crucifixion for the atonement and human salvation. For example, in my history 
of 
 Campus Crusade for Christ, I defined evangelicals as “Protestant 
Christians who  readily talk about their experience of salvation in Jesus 
Christ, 
regard a  divinely inspired Bible as the ultimate authority on matters of faith 
and  practice, and engage the world in which they live through evangelism 
and other  forms of mission.” Of course, many Christians who would not think 
of themselves  as “evangelical” or “Protestant” could own such language. 
Historians, though,  have particular groups of Protestants in mind from the 
eighteenth-century  through the present day. 
Nowadays, the term “evangelical” has morphed into something far more 
diffuse  and confusing. As Stephen Miller observes, “its footprint has extended 
far  beyond the number of people who might fairly be called evangelical.” 
Many  conservative Protestants recognize and lament this reality. For example, 
D.G.  Hart has argued that theologically conservative Protestants should 
discard  “evangelical identity” for confessional identities more closely tied 
to historic  Christian movements. 
As an antonym of sorts for “liberal Protestant,” “evangelicalism” is 
still a  reasonable way to identify factions within a range of American 
denominations and  an umbrella term that brings together a host of parachurch 
organizations,  nondenominational churches, and other institutions. 
At the same time, “evangelicalism” as imagined by many journalists does 
not  exist, nor is there an “evangelical” movement akin [to] the one led — 
albeit  loosely — by Billy Graham in the decades following the Second World 
War. To  claim that a quarter of Americans are “evangelical” or “born-again” 
says rather  little. And if we want to examine the appeal of Ted Cruz or 
Donald Trump to  different sorts of American Protestants, we need far more 
precision. American  evangelicalism, in short, no longer exists the way that 
many journalists and  scholars imagine it.

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