Time
 
 
Donald Trump and the Transformation of  White Evangelicals

 
_Robert P.  Jones_ (http://time.com/author/robert-p-jones/) 
Nov.  19, 2016
 
The Trump era has  effectively turned white-evangelical political ethics on 
its head
 
White evangelical Christians set a new  high water mark in their support of 
Republican candidates by giving Donald Trump  81% of their votes, according 
to the 2016 exit polls. Much _ink has been  spilled_ 
(http://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2016/02/the-trump-revelation/470559/)
  explaining 
just how Trump defeated  primary opponents with much stronger Christian 
credentials, such as Mike  Huckabee, Rick Santorum, Ted Cruz and Marco Rubio. 
And 
Trump triumphed over  Hillary Clinton, a lifelong Methodist who found her 
political calling in the  church-youth group. 
But perhaps a more important question — one  that will have relevance far 
beyond the Trump Administration — is not why  evangelicals supported Trump, 
but how white evangelicals’ early and steadfast  support for Trump has 
changed them.

 
Perhaps the most dramatic example of the shift  in white-evangelical 
political ethics is the way in which white evangelicals  have evaluated the 
personal character of public officials. In 2011 and again  just ahead of the 
election,_PRRI asked  Americans_ 
(http://www.prri.org/research/prri-brookings-october-19-2016-presidential-election-horserace-clinton-trump/)
  whether a 
political leader who  committed an immoral act in his or her private life could 
nonetheless behave  ethically and fulfill their duties in their public life. 
Back in 2011,  consistent with the “values voter” brand’s insistence on 
the importance of  personal character, only 30% of white evangelical 
Protestants agreed with this  statement. But this year, 72% of white 
evangelicals now 
say they believe a  candidate can build a kind of moral wall between his 
private and public life. In  a shocking reversal, white evangelicals have gone 
from being the least likely to the most likely group to agree that a  
candidate’s personal immorality has no bearing on his performance in public  
office. Today, in fact, they are more likely than Americans who claim no  
religious affiliation at all to say such a moral bifurcation is  possible. 
This about-face is stunning, especially  against the backdrop of white 
evangelicals’ outrage in response to Bill  Clinton’s indiscretions in the 
1990s. As _Jonathan Merritt  documented_ 
(http://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2016/08/evangelical-christians-trump-bill-clinton-apology/495224/)
 , 
Pat Robertson  called Bill Clinton a “debauched, debased, and defamed” 
politician. But this  year, Robertson’s Christian Broadcasting Network featured 
multiple friendly  interviews with Trump — the candidate who bragged about 
sexually assaulting  women and appeared on the cover of Playboy.  And Robertson 
had this to say directly to Trump: “You inspire us  all.” 
The Trump era has effectively turned  white-evangelical political ethics on 
its head. Rather than standing on  principle and letting the chips fall 
where they may, white evangelicals have now  fully embraced a consequentialist 
ethics that works backward from predetermined  political ends, refashioning 
or even discarding principles as needed to achieve  a desired outcome. 
The key to understanding this reversal is  grasping the sense of crisis 
felt by white evangelical Protestants today. While  white evangelicals have 
always been prone to apocalyptic thinking, their current  concerns about the 
waning power of their cultural world is well-founded. As I  document in my 
recent book, _The End of White Christian  America_ 
(https://smile.amazon.com/End-White-Christian-America/dp/1501122290/) , this is 
the first presidential  
election in which white Christians find themselves clearly in the 
demographic  minority: 43% today, down from 54% in 2008 and right at the 
tipping point 
in  2012. It’s also the first election in which white evangelicals find 
themselves  in the clear minority on one of their signature issues: opposition 
to same-sex  marriage. In 2008, only 40% of the country supported same-sex 
marriage, and the  country had just crossed into clear majority support in 
2012. Today same-sex  marriage is legal in all 50 states and roughly 6 in 10 
Americans support it. The  moral majority they are no longer. 
Amid this identity crisis, fears about  cultural change and nostalgia for a 
lost era — bound together with the ties of  partisan identity — combined 
to overwhelm the once confident logic of moral  values. The Southern Baptist 
Convention’s Russell Moore, an early and consistent  critic of Trump, put it 
starkly. White evangelicals have, _he argued_ 
(https://baptistnews.com/article/russell-moore-religious-right-must-change-or-die/)
 , simply adopted “a 
political agenda in search  of a gospel useful enough to accommodate it.” 
Like Washington’s Old Post Office and other  historical landmarks 
reconstructed under the Trump brand, it is tempting to  argue that Trump has 
single-handedly remodeled the political ethics of white  evangelical 
Protestants, 
remaking it in his own image. But this analysis gives  Trump too much credit. 
A closer look at long-term white-evangelical voting  patterns suggests that 
Trump’s candidacy has laid bare dynamics that have been  operating under the 
surface for decades, dynamics that were put in motion when  white 
evangelicals unevenly yoked themselves to the party of Reagan in reaction  to 
the 
civil rights movement in the 1980s. 
More than a few white evangelical leaders and  pastors are wringing their 
hands and rending their garments over the tribal  support white evangelicals 
have rendered to the Republican nominee for  President. But if these leaders 
expect to make any headway in recovering a  political ethic based on moral 
values — one that is capable of speaking truth to  party and President — 
they will need to begin much farther back than  Trump.

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