BR Note:
On the importance of history or, anyway, a good memory-
 
Ted Kennedy was asked during the 1976 primary campaign
why he was running, what was he trying to achieve?
He had no answer and one theory that is plausible
was that his inability to express heartfelt political goals
that might inspire voters  -American citizens-  cost him
the nomination to Carter. Hillary apparently was ignorant
of this episode and because she never understood
the message it had for any candidate for elective office
she went down in flames.
 
What is your purpose? What do you  really believe in
besides your ego?  
 
This is water under the bridge now, and I'm relieved that Hillary
no longer has a political future. On the campaign trail she sounded
like an ill-tempered cranky old woman with no higher calling
than asserting her presumed authority. 
 
Good riddance.
 
 
-------------------------------------------------------------
 
 
 
 
Commentary
 
 
 
The End of the Clintons
Mediacracy 
 
_MATTHEW CONTINETTI_ 
(https://www.commentarymagazine.com/author/matthew-continetti/)  / _NOV. 16,  
2016_ 
(https://www.commentarymagazine.com/articles/the-end-of-the-clintons/) 


 
 

The most damning revelation from John Podesta’s hacked emails was  
contained in a message sent by Hillary Clinton’s chief pollster to Podesta and  
others on February 7, 2016. It concerned a speech the candidate was about to  
deliver. “Other than what she has been doing over the last few days,” asked 
Joel  Benenson, “do we have any sense from her what she believes or wants her 
core  message to be? I pose this only because the opening graph here, which 
I assume  is the core frame, is written in passive as opposed to active 
voice and it is  still not clear what her singular message is.”  
 
Benenson’s question was remarkable. His candidate was a 69-year-old woman  
who had spent her entire adult life preparing to run for election as the 
first  female president of the United States of America, and after half of the 
campaign  cycle had already elapsed, she still had no clear reason for 
wanting the job.  Bernie Sanders, Benenson went on, “has simplicity and focus—
the corrupt  political and economic systems are rigged to keep giving more to 
the billionaire  class while the middle class has been hollowed out.” It was 
a message remarkably  similar to the one proclaimed by the man who, nine 
months later, would win the  general election .

 
 
Hillary Clinton won’t be president because her family became estranged  
from the very communities that put her husband in the White House some 25 years 
 ago. Bill Clinton grew up in poverty, was governor of one of America’s 
poorest  states, and despite attending Georgetown and Yale and Oxford, never 
lost his  connection to the white working class among whom he was raised. He 
won  Appalachian states like Kentucky, West Virginia, Ohio, and Pennsylvania, 
as well  as the Upper Midwest states of Michigan and Wisconsin. Hillary 
Clinton had no  such connection. Nor did she attempt to forge one.
 
 
>From his 1992 campaign to the end of his presidency, Bill Clinton devoted  
his attentions to the economic situation of middle-class America. He had an  
ability to describe and champion technological innovation and global 
integration  in a rhetoric that palliated fears of change. And because he 
course-corrected  after the midterm election of 1994 and presided over an 
economic 
boom a few  years later, the public was willing to forgive his squalid 
personal  life.
 
 
Things were different, however, when the Clintons left the White House.  As 
Hillary Clinton later said, the family was “dead broke,” and to afford the 
 opulence to which they had become accustomed they went about building “
Clinton  Inc.” This network of foundations, paid speeches, consulting firms, 
and public  offices enriched the Clintons greatly. Over the next 15 years, 
they amassed a  combined fortune of some $111 million, just as the U.S. economy 
was entering a  period of low growth, falling incomes, and rising 
inequality. Like novelists  whose working-class characters lose their 
verisimilitude 
as the books they write  rise on the bestseller lists, the Clintons lost the 
common  touch
 
 
 
 
The Clintons did not recognize this as a problem, however, for two  
reasons. The first is that they had bought into the “demographics are destiny”  
argument put forward by authors Ruy Teixeira and John B. Judis in their 2002  
book The Emerging Democratic Majority. Teixeira  and Judis argued that 
Democrats had an advantage in presidential elections  thanks to the alliance 
between white professionals and minority voters. Both of  these segments of the 
population were growing, thus assuring Democratic  victories in high-turnout 
elections. The elections of 2006, 2008, and 2012  seemed to confirm the 
Teixeira-Judis thesis. All that was necessary for Clinton  to win in 2016, 
Democrats believed, was to inherit the voters who had twice  elected Barack 
Obama to the White House. 
But things are never that simple. Writing alone in 2015, Judis modified  
his argument in an essay called “The Emerging Republican Advantage.” He wrote 
 that his book had failed to anticipate a shift in white voting preferences 
away  from the Democratic Party, not only among the white working class but 
also among  “middle class Americans,” voters with college degrees and 
incomes between  $50,000 and $100,000. As important as minority voters are to 
the Democratic  coalition, white voters are too—and the continued loss of 
white support, Judis  went on, might counteract the advantages of having a 
supermajority of nonwhites.  Democratic political operatives nevertheless 
ignored 
Judis’s warning because  they assumed that the allegiances of Obama voters 
were transferable to any  Democrat. They were wrong.
 
 
The second reason the Clintons neither recognized nor addressed the  
problem of their separation from working-class and middle-class white voters 
was  
Donald Trump. They never regarded him as a serious threat. In an April 2015  
Democratic National Committee memo sent to John Podesta that was also 
hacked by  Wikileaks, DNC officials labeled Trump a “Pied Piper candidate” who 
could “serve  as a cudgel to move the more established candidates further to 
the  right.”
 
 
 
The Democrats, the memo continued, “need to be elevating the Pied Piper  
candidates so that they are leaders of the pack and tell the press to treat 
them  seriously.” This way, the Democrats assumed, the Republicans would 
disqualify  themselves as too zany and extreme for the American people. As 
writer 
Brent  Budowsky emailed Podesta, “Right now I am petrified that Hillary is 
almost  totally dependent on Republicans nominating Trump.” 
When Trump won the Republican nomination, the Clinton campaign could not  
believe its luck. It simply assumed—and it was not alone—that Trump would 
never  become president. The entire thrust of the campaign was that Trump was 
an  unacceptable choice. Clinton spent $211 million on television 
advertising,  almost entirely on negative attacks on Trump. She gave speech 
after 
speech  reminding voters of Trump’s worst qualities. She based her candidacy on 
 
experience and qualifications, seemingly forgetting that Americans have not 
 valued these highly in recent presidential elections.




Clinton lacked any persuasive answer to the charge that she had been  
dishonest in her use of a private email server while secretary of state. She 
had  
no convincing means of fixing Obamacare despite skyrocketing premiums and 
fewer  insurance choices. Her economic agenda was schizophrenic: 
congratulating  President Obama on the recovery while calling for more to be 
done, 
trumpeting  job gains while repeating the liberal dogma of tax increases and 
government  spending. She was pandering to a base she wrongly assumed was hers, 
while  ignoring the voters who had been central to her husband’s and Barack 
Obama’s  success. And so she lost.

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