Hi Billy,

I appreciate apologize if my
Formatting made it difficult for you. I post from my phone where I don't have 
the option to convert to plain text. 

The article below rendered odd on my phone, but I could read it. 

I liked the article, but I feel like we discussed that point last week and all 
agreed. I didn't see any particular advice on how to * implement* that insight. 
Did I miss something?

E

Sent from my iPhone

> On May 16, 2017, at 12:14, BILROJ via Centroids: The Center of the Radical 
> Centrist Community <[email protected]> wrote:
> 
> Following is an article that pretty well captures my thinking about economics
> the past few weeks. De Dora's essay refers to an article by Massimo Pigliucci.
> That essay is included verbatim, below, word-for-word. This is because
> it makes it easy for readers to find it and read it without hop-skip-and-jump
> links and the need to reformat if you actually want to save or re-use
> something. Here it is, ready to go.
>  
> This is part of my war against reflexive use of links and about formatting 
> generally
> -a subject that seems to sail over the heads of tech whizzes obsessed with
> the functions of computers and not ease-of-use.
>  
>  
> But everybody does it that way? Maybe they do, but it has been my
> experience that what "everybody does" is usually wrong, at least to
> consider the kinds of issues now under review.
>  
> De Dora's article has been edited to cut out such things as his aside
> about writer's block, etc, which isn't really germane to the topic.
>  
>  
> A larger point is that it has stuck me that just about ANY discussion of
> economics needs to also be a discussion of morality. Not in some clumsy
> ham-fisted way, preaching church doctrine, but on behavioral merits.
> Just what does this policy (your pick, infrastructure like the Dakota
> access pipeline or anything else, or protectionism, or free trade)
> actually do to human behavior or the health of American communities?
>  
> Economists call such considerations "externals." It is handy to know about
> this word usage, but what is really external about it?  It goes directly to
> the nature of the kind of society we want to live in and to the
> quality of life we want for ourselves.
>  
> This is parallel to another insight that recently flew into my head
> from work on the issue of the effects of Popular Culture.
>  
> What is religion?  Here is what most (overwhelmingly most) religious people
> simply do not "get."  For them there is true religion, their own, which they
> may not call "religion" at all but something like "faith" or "spiritual path"
> or the like. Some other religions may be sort of junior partners,
> the way that Judaism is regarded by most Christians, but outside
> of that, most "other" religions are side shows of no real interest.
>  
> This is even largely true among Evangelicals in Hawaii, where
> you would think it would make really good sense for them
> to look into Buddhism, since Buddhists are 1/4th of the population.
> While there actually is some heightened interest in Buddhism among
> Hawaiian Evangelicals it is only marginally greater than on the mainland.
>  
> There is no sense that there are such things as religious phenomena
> that cut across just about all faiths and that it is legitimate to see
> something of Christian morality in other religions, for instance,
> or something of psychology familiar to Buddhists existing
> in some schools of Hinduism, for example.
>  
> That is, with the glaring exception of  Islam and some off-the-charts cults
> (Scientology, Satanism, etc), nearly all religions have common foundations
> -not in everything, obviously, but in a lot of basics. You know, how do
> people treat each other?  What should marriage consist of? What behaviors
> simply do not fly if we want a functional community?
>  
> The point of all this is that if we want a moral society we would be
> well advised to look into the moral effects of religious faith regardless
> of which specific religion we are most familiar with. If religion
> is subtracted, if the secular / libertarian / economistic war against
> religion continues what would the consequences be?
>  
> And what substitutes for religion would arise? What new "religions"
> that don't look like religions but have religious functions?
>  
> Economics and morality are similar. Just what are we getting morally
> when we adopt one economic policy and not another?  What is important
> to remember is that "morality" has a much broader definition then
> conventional church-designated morality
>  
> Social issues are "nothing but" wedge issues and are not really important?
> That is just as much a load of crap as economic determinism, indeed,
> it is a re-statement of economic determinism. Which even the Left
> does not really believe because, you see, calling something a
> wedge issue trivializes it so that the favorite social issues of
> the Left can prevail.
>  
> We need to wake up to the effects  -nearly all of them negative-
> of libertarian thinking and values on our lives.
>  
>  
> Billy
>  
>  
>  
> ====================================
>  
>  
>  
> Economics should not be divorced from morality
>  
> By: Michael De Dora
>  
> 2011
>  
> ---------------------------------
>  
> Last week, our friend Massimo Pigliucci published an essay here in which he 
> argued for   
> an idea I have long thought to be true: that economic considerations cannot 
> be divorced    from moral ones. Here is the appropriate passage from 
> Massimo’s article:                          
>                                                                               
>                                                           
> “I simply do not buy the fundamentalist (yes, I’m using the term on purpose) 
> libertarian        idea that economics is all there is or that should count 
> in pretty much all                           human    transactions and social 
> problems. The hallmark of a just society is                        precisely 
> that it does     consider issues of intrinsic rights — not just to life and 
> property,    as the libertarians             would   have it — but also to 
> health, education, housing and      jobs. Thewhole point of living in a 
> structured society, as opposed to Hobbes’ war of all   against all, is so 
> that our lives are not going to be ‘solitary, poor, nasty, brutish and 
> short.’ Which means that what [Larry] Summers dismisses as ‘social concerns’ 
> really ought to be central to the way we structure our societies. Economic 
> systems ought to be                     the servants of human flourishing, 
> not itsmasters.”                                                             
>  
>  
>  
> The idea I would like to propose in this brief essay is this: economics 
> cannot be divorced from morality because one’s values determine which 
> economic structure he or she prefers. There are no such things as purely 
> economic ends divorced from all other ends because economic decisions are 
> made based on moral values. They also have a moral impact on other people
>  
> Morality is the sphere of one’s foundational beliefs and attitudes about 
> right and wrong. Economics is the matter of how to set up and manage the 
> financial situation of a given society or community. I think it is clear that 
> morality, by its very definition, will play a major role in shaping the 
> economic structure of a given society. Morality simply shapes how we approach 
> most things in life, including economics. I also submit that economics is 
> inextricably tied to the welfare of the citizens for which it functions.
>  
> But people in several political camps, namely libertarianism and 
> neoliberalism, disagree that economics is so closely linked with morality. 
> They believe economics is a discussion about business and bottom-lines, not 
> ethics. This divide is also present in political news coverage. Take this 
> quote from Mark Caleb Smith, director of the Center for Political Studies at 
> Cedarville University: “Economic issues always dwarf social issues. … [The 
> 2012 election] is shaping up to be an economically driven election with a 
> possibility of foreign affairs entering the discussion as well.” This is 
> precisely how most news outlets and polling organizations frame pre-election 
> public sentiments.
>  
> How many times have you heard that “people are voting on the economy, not 
> social issues, this election cycle"?
>  
> Yet, while economic issues are in some way different than social ones — in 
> the same way that, say, economics and philosophy are two different fields — 
> they are also undoubtedly  intertwined at many levels. At the interpersonal 
> level, business transactions hinge on a        basic sense of morality.       
>                                                                               
>                 
>  
> When you purchase something, you trust that your source of information (sales 
> person, gas attendant, waiter/waitress, Amazon.com review) is being honest 
> about the quality of the goods offered. You also expect a certain degree of 
> performance from the product you are buying
>  
> Morality is also present in larger economic debates. Consider the question 
> “how can we create jobs?” At face value, there might be little in this 
> question that concerns morality. It is simply about increasing the number of 
> jobs available to human beings. But what if I        answered that the way to 
> create jobs is to eliminate the minimum wage? Or to loosen        
> restrictions on workday hours and factory conditions? Or to lower the tax 
> burden on        corporations and the wealthy? Or to repeal last year’s 
> health insurance reform                   package?    These questions all 
> contain a moral aspect as well.
>  
> Would it be right to allow  companies to pay their employees however little 
> they can get away with? Would it be       right to rescind worker safety 
> laws? Would it be right to increase the tax burdens on the    middle and      
>     lower classes and allow further disparity? Would it be right to repeal    
>   legislation that increases the availability
> of health care?
>  
> No matter where you stand on these issues, you cannot deny there is a moral 
> component to all of them.
>  
> Someone might desire to settle the debate by asking, “what is best for the 
> economy?" But my point is that, at bottom, the question of “what is best for 
> the economy” is really a question of “what should we want the economy to do 
> or accomplish?” And that is a question not of pure mathematical reasoning, 
> but of ethical contemplation.
>  
> In closing, allow me to spell out how I think the relationship between 
> morality and economics might work. The first step is to figure out our 
> necessary assumptions. For instance, what is the nature of human behavior and 
> desires? How do humans act and interact? The second step is to think about 
> our shared moral goals. I think the U.N. Declaration of Human Rights is a 
> good starting place for that. The last step is then to assess which economic 
> ideas and systems to employ so that our assumptions can be taken into account 
> and that our goals can be realized. Economics is not just about studying and 
> applying knowledge of trends, numbers, math, and business practices. It is 
> also about taking into account the reality of human behavior and our moral 
> concerns before making economic decisions — and then considering the moral 
> consequences of those decisions
>  
>  
>  
> =======================================
>  
>  
> July 12, 2011
> Massimo Pigliucci's Blog
>  
> Why I don't like Larry Summers
>  
>  
> by Massimo Pigliucci 
>  
> I have to admit to a profound dislike for former Harvard President and former 
> Obama (and Clinton) advisor Larry Summers. Besides the fact that, at least 
> going by a number of reports of people who have known him, he can only be 
> characterized as a dick, he represents precisely what is wrong with a 
> particularly popular mode of thinking in this country and, increasingly, in 
> the rest of the world.
>  
> Lawrence was famously forced to resign as president of Harvard in 2006 
> because of a no-confidence vote by the faculty (wait, academics still have 
> any say in how universities are run? Who knew?) because of a variety of 
> reasons, including his conflict with academic star Cornel West, financial 
> conflict of interests regarding his dealings with economist Andrei Shleifer, 
> and particularly his remarks to the effect that perhaps the scarcity of women 
> in science and engineering is the result of innate intellectual differences.
>  
> Now I have acquired yet another reason to dislike Summers, while reading 
> Debra Satz's Why Some Things Should not Be for Sale : The Moral Limits of 
> Markets, which I highly recommend to my libertarian friends, as much as I 
> realize of course that it will be entirely wasted on them. The book is a 
> historical and philosophical analysis of ideas about markets, and makes a 
> very compelling case for why thinking that "the markets will take care of it" 
> where "it" is pretty much anything of interest to human beings is downright 
> idiotic (as well as profoundly unethical).But I'm not concerned here with 
> Satz's book per se, as much as with the instance in which she discusses for 
> her purposes, a memo written by Summers when he was chief economist of the 
> World Bank ...
>  
> The memo was intended for internal WB use only, but it caused a public uproar 
> when the, surely not left-wing, magazine The Economist leaked it to the 
> public. Here is an extract from the memo (emphasis mine): "Just between you 
> and me, shouldn't the World Bank be encouraging more migration of the dirty 
> industries to the less developed countries? I can think of three reasons: 1. 
> The measurement of the costs of health-impairing pollution depends on the 
> foregone earnings from increased morbidity and mortality. From this point of 
> view a given amount of health-impairing pollution should be done in the 
> country with the lowest cost, which will be the country with the lowest 
> wages. I think the economic logic behind dumping a load of toxic waste in the 
> lowest wage country is impeccable and we should face up to that. 2. The costs 
> of pollution are likely to be non-linear as the initial increments of 
> pollution probably have very low cost ... Only the lamentable facts that so 
> much pollution is generated by non-tradable industries (transport, electrical 
> generation) and that the unit transport costs of solid waste are so high 
> prevent world-welfare enhancing trade in air pollution and waste. 3. The 
> demand for a clean environment for aesthetic and health reasons is likely to 
> have very high income elasticity ... Clearly trade in goods that embody 
> aesthetic pollution concerns could be welfare enhancing.
>  
> The problem with the arguments against all of these proposals for more 
> pollution in least developed countries (intrinsic rights to certain goods, 
> social concerns, lack of adequate markets, etc.)could be turned around and 
> used more or less effectively against every Bank proposal for liberalization. 
> "Now, pause for a minute, go back to the top of the memo, and read it again.  
> I suggest that if you find nothing disturbing about it, your empathic 
> circuitry needs a major overhaul or at the very least a serious tuneup.  But 
> it's interesting to consider why.  As both The Economist (who called the memo 
> "crass") and Satz herself note, the economic logic of the memo is indeed 
> impeccable.
>  
> If one's only considerations are economic in nature, it does make perfect 
> sense for less developed countries to accept (for a — probably low — price) 
> the waste generated by richer countries, for which in turn it makes perfect 
> sense to pay a price to literally get rid of their shit. And yet, as I 
> mentioned, the leaking of the memo was accompanied by an outcry similar to 
> the one generated by the equally infamous  "Ford Pinto memo" back in 1968.  
> Why? Here I actually have a take that is somewhat different from, though 
> complementary to, that of Satz. 
>  
> For her, there are three ethical objections that can be raised to the memo: 
> first, she maintains that there is unequal vulnerability of the parties 
> involved in the bargain. That is, the poor countries are in a position of 
> marked disadvantage and are easy for the rich ones to exploit.  Second, the 
> less developed countries likely suffer from what she calls weak agency,  
> since they tend to be run by corrupt governments whose actions are not in the 
> interest of the population at large (whether the latter isn't also true of 
> American plutocracy is, of course, a matter worth pondering).  Third, the 
> bargain is likely to result in an unacceptable degree of harm to a number of 
> individuals (living in the poor countries) who are not going to 
> simultaneously enjoy any of the profits generated from the "exchange.
>  
> "I think all these reasons surely hold, but I would go further and talk of 
> precisely the sorts of things Summers himself mentions in the memo,  
> particularly intrinsic rights to certain goods and social concerns. I simply 
> do not buy the fundamentalist (yes, I'm using the term on purpose) 
> libertarian idea that economics is all there is or that should count in 
> pretty much all human transactions and social problems. The hallmark of a 
> just society is precisely that it does consider issues of intrinsic rights — 
> not just to life and property, as the libertarians would have it — but also 
> to health, education, housing and jobs.
>  
> The whole point of living in a structured society, as opposed to Hobbes' war 
> of all against all, is so that our lives are not going to be "solitary, poor, 
> nasty, brutish and short." Which means that what Summers dismisses as "social 
> concerns" really ought to be central to the way we structure our societies.
>  
> Economic systems ought to be the servants of human flourishing, not its 
> masters.
>  
> The only serious question here is what was someone like Summers doing in both 
> the Clinton and Obama administrations? The answer is that this (and plenty of 
> other inconvenient or disturbing facts, depending on your political 
> persuasion) clearly shows that both Clinton and Obama were moderate 
> centrists, certainly not the "socialists" and "radicals" that 
> Republican-generated nonsense would have them be.
>  
> By the way, did you notice Summers' point that if one objected to his memo on 
> ethical grounds one may just as well object to pretty much every policy 
> suggested by the World Bank? Ponder the consequences, then start asking for 
> the closing or radical restructuring of the World Bank.[image error]
> -- 
> -- 
> Centroids: The Center of the Radical Centrist Community 
> <[email protected]>
> Google Group: http://groups.google.com/group/RadicalCentrism
> Radical Centrism website and blog: http://RadicalCentrism.org
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