Not sure that the article answered “why”, but it sure did list a lot of 
examples.

 

From: BILROJ via Centroids: The Center of the Radical Centrist Community 
[mailto:[email protected]] 
Sent: Monday, August 7, 2017 10:34 AM
To: [email protected]
Cc: [email protected]
Subject: [RC] The man who knows next-to-nothing who thinks he knows everything

 

 

The New Yorker

Why is Donald Trump so Horribly Witless 

about the World?

Robin Wright

August 4, 2017

Max Boot, a lifelong conservative who advised three Republican Presidential 
candidates on foreign policy, keeps a folder labelled “Trump Stupidity File” on 
his computer. It’s next to his “Trump Lies” file. “Not sure which is larger at 
this point,” he told me this week. “It’s neck-and-neck.”

Six months into the Trump era, foreign-policy officials from eight past 
Administrations told me they are aghast that the President is still so witless 
about the world. “He seems as clueless today as he was on January 20th,” Boot, 
who is now a senior fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations, said. Trump’s 
painful public gaffes, they warn, indicate that he’s not reading, retaining, or 
listening to his Presidential briefings. And the newbie excuse no longer flies.

“Trump has an appalling ignorance of the current world, of history, of previous 
American engagement, of what former Presidents thought and did,” Geoffrey Kemp, 
who worked at the Pentagon during the Ford Administration and at the National 
Security Council during the Reagan Administration, reflected. “He has an almost 
studious rejection of the type of in-depth knowledge that virtually all of his 
predecessors eventually gained or had views on.”

Criticism of Donald Trump among Democrats who served in senior 
national-security positions is predictable and rife. But Republicans—who are 
historically ambitious on foreign policy—are particularly pained by the 
President’s missteps and misstatements. So are former senior intelligence 
officials who have avoided publicly criticizing Presidents until now.

“The President has little understanding of the context”—of what’s happening in 
the world—“and even less interest in hearing the people who want to deliver 
it,” Michael Hayden, a retired four-star general and former director of both 
the C.I.A. and the National Security Agency, told me. “He’s impatient, 
decision-oriented, and prone to action. It’s all about the present tense. When 
he asks, ‘What the hell’s going on in Iraq?’ people around him have learned not 
to say, ‘Well, in 632 . . . ’ ” (That was the year when the Prophet Muhammad 
died, prompting the beginning of the Sunni-Shiite split.*)

“He just doesn’t have an interest in the world,” Hayden said.

I asked top Republican and intelligence officials from eight Administrations 
what they thought was the one thing the President needs to grasp to succeed on 
the world stage. Their various replies: embrace the fact that the Russians are 
not America’s friends. Don’t further alienate the Europeans, who are our 
friends. Encourage human rights—a founding principle of American identity—and 
don’t make priority visits to governments that curtail them, such as Poland and 
Saudi Arabia. Understand that North Korea’s nuclear program can’t be outsourced 
to China, which can’t or won’t singlehandedly fix the problem anyway, and 
realize that military options are limited. Pulling out of innovative trade 
deals, like the Trans-Pacific Partnership, will boost China’s economy and 
secure its global influence—to America’s disadvantage. Stop bullying his 
counterparts. And put the Russia case behind him by coöperating with the 
investigation rather than trying to discredit it.

Trump’s latest blunder was made during an appearance in the Rose Garden with 
Lebanon’s Prime Minister, Saad Hariri, on July 25th. “Lebanon is on the front 
lines in the fight against isis, Al Qaeda, and Hezbollah,” Trump pronounced.  
<https://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2017/07/25/remarks-president-trump-and-prime-minister-hariri-lebanon-joint-press>
 He got the basics really wrong. Hezbollah is actually part of the Lebanese 
government—and has been for a quarter century—with seats in parliament and 
Cabinet posts. Lebanon’s Christian President, Michel Aoun, has been  
<http://www.jpost.com/Middle-East/Hezbollah-ally-Michel-Aoun-elected-President-of-Lebanon-471301>
 alliedwith Hezbollah for a decade. As Trump spoke, Hezbollah’s militia and the 
Lebanese Army were fighting isis and an Al Qaeda affiliate occupying a chunk of 
eastern Lebanon along its border with Syria. They won.

The list of other Trump blunders is long. In March, he  
<https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/worldviews/wp/2017/03/18/no-germany-doesnt-owe-america-vast-sums-of-money-for-nato/>
 charged that Germany owed “vast sums” to the United States for nato. It  
<http://www.politifact.com/truth-o-meter/statements/2017/mar/19/donald-trump/fact-check-donald-trump-says-germany-owes-vast-sum/>
 doesn’t. No nato member pays the United States—and never has—so  
<https://www.nytimes.com/2017/05/26/world/europe/nato-trump-spending.html> none 
is in arrears. In an  
<https://blogs.wsj.com/washwire/2017/04/12/wsj-trump-interview-excerpts-china-north-korea-ex-im-bank-obamacare-bannon/>
 interview with the Wall Street Journal, in April, Trump claimed that Korea 
“actually used to be part of China.”  
<https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/fact-checker/wp/2017/04/19/trumps-claim-that-korea-actually-used-to-be-a-part-of-china/>
 Not true. After he arrived in Israel from Saudi Arabia, in May, Trump said 
that he had just come from the Middle East. (Did he even look at a map?) During 
his trip to France, in July, the President confused Napoleon Bonaparte, the 
diminutive emperor who invaded Russia and Egypt, with Napoleon III, who was 
France’s first popularly elected President, oversaw the design of modern Paris, 
and is still the longest-serving head of state since the French Revolution 
(albeit partly as an emperor, too). And that’s before delving into his 
demeaning tweets about other world leaders and flashpoints.

“The sheer scale of his lack of knowledge is what has astounded me—and I had 
low expectations to begin with,” David Gordon, the director of the State 
Department’s policy-planning staff under Condoleezza Rice, during the Bush 
Administration, told me.

Trump’s White House has also flubbed basics. It  
<http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/americas/theresa-may-teresa-spelling-misspell-donald-trump-republican-retreat-speech-a7548616.html>
 misspelled the name of Britain’s Prime Minister three times in its official 
schedule of her January visit. After it dropped the “H” in Theresa May, several 
British papers noted that Teresa May is a soft-porn actress best known for her 
films “Leather Lust” and “Whitehouse: The Sex Video.” In a statement last 
month, the White House  
<https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/the-fix/wp/2017/07/08/white-house-press-office-misidentifies-japanese-prime-minister-abe-as-president/>
 called Xi Jinping the President of the “Republic of China”—which is the island 
of Taiwan—rather than the leader of the People’s Republic, the Communist 
mainland. The two nations have been epic rivals in Asia for more than half a 
century. The White House also misidentified Shinzo Abe as the President of 
Japan—he’s the Prime Minister—and called the Prime Minister of Canada “Joe” 
instead of Justin Trudeau.

Trump’s policy mistakes, large and small, are taking a toll. “American 
leadership in the world—how do I phrase this, it’s so obvious, but apparently 
not to him—is critical to our success, and it depends eighty per cent on the 
credibility of the President’s word,” John McLaughlin, who worked at the C.I.A. 
under seven Presidents, from Richard Nixon to George W. Bush, and ended up as 
the intelligence agency’s acting director, told me. “Trump thinks having a 
piece of chocolate cake at Mar-a-Lago bought him a relationship with Xi 
Jinping. He came in as the least prepared President we’ve had on foreign 
policy," McLaughlin added. “Our leadership in the world is slipping away. It’s 
slipping through our hands.”

And a world in dramatic flux compounds the stakes. Hayden cited the meltdown in 
the world order that has prevailed since the Second World War; the changing 
nature of the state and its power; China’s growing military and economic power; 
and rogue nations seeking nuclear weapons, among others. “Yet the most 
disruptive force in the world today is the United States of America,” the 
former C.I.A. director said.

 

The closest similarity to the Trump era was the brief Warren G. Harding 
Administration, in the nineteen-twenties, Philip Zelikow, who worked for the 
Reagan and two Bush Administrations, and who was the executive director of the 
9/11 Commission, told me. Harding, who died, of a heart attack, after 
twenty-eight months in office, was praised because he stood aside and let his 
Secretary of State, Charles Evans Hughes, lead the way. Hughes had already been 
governor of New York, a Supreme Court Justice, and the Republican Presidential 
nominee in 1916, losing narrowly to Woodrow Wilson, who preceded Harding.

Under Trump, the White House has seized control of key foreign-policy issues. 
The President’s son-in-law, Jared Kushner, a real-estate developer, has been 
charged with brokering Middle East peace, navigating U.S.-China relations, and 
the Mexico portfolio. In April, Kushner travelled to Iraq to help chart policy 
against isis. Washington scuttlebutt is consumed with tales of how Trump has 
stymied his own Secretary of State, Rex Tillerson, the former C.E.O. of 
ExxonMobil.

“The national-security system of the United States has been tested over a 
period of seventy years,” John Negroponte, the first director of national 
security and a former U.N. Ambassador, told me. “President Trump disregards the 
system at his peril.”

Trump’s contempt for the U.S. intelligence community has also sparked alarm. “I 
wish the President would rely more on, and trust more, the intelligence 
agencies and the work that is produced, sometimes at great risk to individuals 
around the world, to inform the Commander-in-Chief,” Mitchell Reiss, who was 
chief of the State Department’s policy-planning team under Secretary of State 
Colin Powell, told me.

Republican critics are divided on whether Trump can grow into the job. “Trump 
is completely irredeemable,” Eliot A. Cohen, who was counselor to Condoleezza 
Rice at the State Department, told me. “He has a feral instinct for 
self-survival, but he’s unteachable. The ban on Muslims coming into the country 
and building a wall, and having the Mexicans pay for it, that was all you 
needed to know about this guy on foreign affairs. This is a man who is idiotic 
and bigoted and ignorant of the law.” Cohen was a ringleader of an open letter 
warning, during the campaign, that Trump’s foreign policy was “wildly 
inconsistent and unmoored.”

But other Republicans from earlier Administrations still hold out hope. 
“Whenever Trump begins to learn about an issue—the Middle East conflict or 
North Korea—he expresses such surprise that it could be so complicated, after 
saying it wasn’t that difficult,” Gordon, from the Bush Administration, said. 
“The good news, when he says that, is it means he has a little bit of 
knowledge.” So far, however, the learning curve has been pitifully—and 
dangerously—slow

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