from the site:
FiveThirtyEight
 
 
SEP. 6, 2017 AT 6:01 AM 
 
America’s Shifting Religious Makeup Could Spell Trouble For  Both Parties


By: Ameial Thomson-De Veaux
 
 
Both  Republicans and Democrats are facing dramatic long-term realignments 
in the  religious composition of their base, and it will be a challenge for 
the parties  to weather this shift gracefully. 
Glance  at the data from a new report from the Public Religion Research 
Institute (PRRI)  and you’ll see why doubling down on _white  identity 
politics_ 
(https://fivethirtyeight.com/features/the-identity-politics-of-the-trump-administration/)
 could be a winning strategy for President Trump and the  
Republicans in the short term, but it might not be successful for long. The 
PRRI  report, which is based on a poll of more than 101,000 Americans from all 
50  states, makes clear that white Christians, _traditionally  a large 
portion of the Republican base_ 
(http://www.pewforum.org/2012/02/02/trends-in-party-identification-of-religious-groups-affiliation/)
 , are, as a group, both 
declining and aging. Younger white Christians are  abandoning their churches 
in droves, leaving behind increasingly middle-aged and  elderly 
congregations. 
Democrats,  meanwhile, have something of the opposite problem. Their base 
is increasingly  religiously varied, and while this is certainly reflective 
of where the country  is going as a whole, Democrats must craft a message 
that speaks to pretty much  every faith tradition — as well as people who have 
no religion at all. And young  black Protestants and Hispanic Catholics, two 
groups that have _historically  been loyal Democratic constituencies_ 
(http://www.people-press.org/2016/09/13/2-party-affiliation-among-voters-1992-2016
/) , are less likely to affiliate with the  party than their parents and 
grandparents.
 
 
 
So  far, having a base that’s composed overwhelmingly of one demographic 
group  hasn’t doomed Republican candidates — white, conservative Christian 
voters have  been the bedrock of the GOP base _since  the 1980s_ 
(https://www.usnews.com/opinion/articles/2010/12/02/the-religious-ties-of-the-republican-p
arty)  and helped deliver  President Trump to the White House last year. In 
2016, a whopping 35 percent of  Republicans were white evangelical 
Protestants, 18 percent were white mainline  Protestants, and 16 percent were 
white 
Catholics; together, those groups account  for nearly 70 percent of the 
Republican base. 
The religious gap between Democrats and Republicans
Share of Democrats and Republicans by religious  affiliation     2006 2016  
 REPUBLICANS DEMOCRATS REPUBLICANS DEMOCRATS   White evangelical Protestant 
37% 17% 35% 8%  White mainline Protestant 22 16 18 11  White Catholic 20 16 
16 10  Mormon 2 1 4 1  Black Protestant 2 18 1 17  Hispanic Protestant 3 3 
3 4  Hispanic Catholic 3 8 3 10  Other Christian 5 6 5 6  Jewish 1 3 1 2  
Other world religions 1 2 1 3  Unaffiliated 4 9 11 26 
“Other world religions” includes non-Western religious groups such  as 
Muslims, Buddhists, Hindus, Sikhs and Jains. “Other Christian” category is  
composed of ethnic Christians (such as Asian Christians, mixed-race 
Protestants,  black Catholics) and other Christian religious groups like 
Jehovah’s  
Witnesses. 
SOURCE: PRRI 2016 AMERICAN VALUES ATLAS, PEW RESEARCH  CENTER 
But  since 2006, the proportion of Americans identifying as white 
evangelical  Protestant, white Catholic, and white mainline Protestant have all 
dropped by 5  or 6 percentage points, according to the just-released PRRI 
report._1_ 
(https://fivethirtyeight.com/features/americas-shifting-religious-makeup-could-spell-trouble-for-both-parties/#fn-1)
  
“Republicans  will have to widen their net to attract more supporters who 
aren’t white  Christian — in the long run, they just won’t have a choice,” 
said Daniel Cox,  director of research at PRRI. White evangelical 
Protestants and white Catholics  have the highest median age — 55 — of any 
religious 
group, with white mainline  Protestants following close behind at a median 
age of 54._2_ 
(https://fivethirtyeight.com/features/americas-shifting-religious-makeup-could-spell-trouble-for-both-parties/#fn-2)
  And the median  age 
of people who don’t identify with any religion (also called the “religiously 
 unaffiliated”) is rising, which suggests that people who have left their 
faith  tradition aren’t returning to the fold as they get married, start 
families or  hit other major life milestones.   
So  where are these young people going? The religious groups with the 
youngest  membership map neatly with the Democratic Party’s coalition. 
Religious  
minorities like Muslims, Hindus and Buddhists; the religiously 
unaffiliated; and  Hispanic Protestants and Catholics all have significant 
numbers of 
followers  under the age of 30. And all of these groups disproportionately 
identify as  Democrats. 
This  youth and diversity might seem like a gift to the Democratic Party, 
but it also  presents a serious challenge for politicians hoping to present a 
compelling  vision to voters who have a wide range of values and 
priorities. White  Christians, especially white evangelical Protestants, have 
been 
a_political  powerhouse for the Republicans_ 
(http://www.people-press.org/2016/09/13/2-party-affiliation-among-voters-1992-2016/)
  because of their 
_enthusiasm_ 
(http://www.reuters.com/article/us-usa-elections-evangelicals/christian-right-key-to-republican-performance-in-u-s-midterms-idUSKBN0IG0RI20141027)
 
 and ideological unity. The religiously  unaffiliated, according to the 
PRRI report, now constitute more than one-quarter  of the Democratic base. “It’
s really hard to find a message that speaks to  someone who’s not religious 
at all anda  devout Catholic or evangelical Protestant,” Cox said. “The 
danger for Democrats  is that they don’t find ways to motivate all of these 
diverse groups, and those  voters just stay home.” 
And  the religiously unaffiliated — a plurality of whom don’t consider 
themselves  part of any political party — are also _less  politically engaged_ 
(https://www.prri.org/research/prri-rns-poll-nones-atheist-leaving-religion/)
 than other religious groups and less likely to vote.  “That’s partly 
because they’re younger,” Cox said, “but also because they’re not  attached to 
formal institutions like churches.” Those institutions — especially  
churches — have been key for unifying voters around shared values and issues,  
and for motivating them to vote, according to Cox. 
There’s  also evidence in the report that young religious voters of color 
in particular  may feel less loyalty to the Democrats than older generations 
did. Only 35  percent of Hispanic Catholics under the age of 30 identify as 
Democrats,  compared to 56 percent of Hispanic Catholic seniors. Similarly, 
just 58 percent  of black Protestants under 30 say they’re Democrats, 
compared to 79 percent of  black Protestants over the age of 65. 
Cox  cautioned, though, that political affiliation tends to solidify over 
time, with  young people often identifying as independents in their twenties 
but choosing a  party affiliation as they grow older. And although the 
number of people who  identify as political independents _has  been rising in 
recent years_ 
(http://www.gallup.com/poll/180440/new-record-political-independents.aspx) , 
most independents also lean toward a party,  which means the 
balance of party affiliation may not be shifting as much as it  seems. However, 
_other  polls have shown_ 
(http://www.pewsocialtrends.org/2014/03/07/millennials-in-adulthood/)  that  
millennials have some of the highest levels of 
political and religious  disaffiliation of any generation in years, so it’s 
unclear if that pattern will  apply to them as they grow older. 
It’s  important to remember that demographic changes don’t manifest 
overnight. White  mainline Protestants, for example, have been _steadily  
hemorrhaging members_ 
(https://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2016/07/the-eclipse-of-white-christian-america/490724/)
  for  decades, but they still 
account for a sizeable chunk of the country’s religious  landscape. Younger 
voters 
— _especially  the religiously unaffiliated_ 
(http://www.pewforum.org/2012/10/09/nones-on-the-rise-social-and-political-views/)
  —  tend to hold 
liberal views on cultural issues like same-sex marriage, abortion  and the 
_legalization  of marijuana_ 
(https://www.prri.org/spotlight/support-for-marijuana-legalization-among-religious-groups/)
 , Cox said, but strong conservative 
positions on these topics  still reliably drive conservative white Christians 
to the polls. 
That  dynamic is perhaps the thorniest challenge for politicians looking to 
embrace  younger generations’ changing values: Both major parties, but 
especially  Republicans, will have to continue to appeal to their traditional 
voter base  while the country slowly shifts around them. “It’s not like we’re 
going to wake  up tomorrow and say, ‘Oh my goodness, we live in a different 
country,’” Cox  said. “But 20 years from now, it’s going to seem like it 
was  inevitable.”

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