“By making a strong and effective case for economic justice, they can do both 
at the same time.”

If there was ever a statement that represents, “easier said than done”, this is 
it.

 

 

From: BILROJ via Centroids: The Center of the Radical Centrist Community 
[mailto:[email protected]] 
Sent: Thursday, September 14, 2017 8:21 AM
To: [email protected]
Cc: [email protected]
Subject: [RC] Democratic strategist breaks with party orthodoxy on future 
population trends

 

New Republic


Redoing the Electoral Math


I argued that demographics favored the Democrats. I was wrong.


BY  <https://newrepublic.com/authors/john-b-judis> JOHN B. JUDIS


September 14, 2017


 

 

If any force on Earth could be powerful enough to unite the Democratic Party, 
you’d have thought the words “President Donald Trump” would do the trick. 
Instead, Hillary Clinton’s defeat last November only served to intensify the 
split within the party. Nine months in, two warring camps continue to offer 
seemingly irreconcilable versions of what went awry and how to fix it. On one 
side, populists like Bernie Sanders and Rust Belt Democrats like Representative 
Tim Ryan of Ohio  
<https://www.realclearpolitics.com/video/2016/11/27/rep_tim_ryan_on_identity_politics_theres_no_juice_in_that_kind_of_campaign_its_divisive.html>
 argue that the party lost by neglecting working-class voters while catering 
primarily to  
<http://www.politico.com/story/2016/11/bernie-sanders-democrats-identity-politics-231710>
 “identity politics.” On the other side, an equally vocal contingent makes the 
opposite case: that the Democrats will blow it in 2018 and 2020 if they take 
voters of color for granted and focus their energy on wooing the white voters 
who backed Trump.

 

Steve Phillips of the Center for American Progress, a leading proponent of the 
latter view,  
<https://www.nytimes.com/2017/07/20/opinion/democrats-midterm-elections-black-voters.html?mcubz=0&_r=0>
 argues that the Democrats doomed themselves in 2016 with “a strategic error: 
prioritizing the pursuit of wavering whites over investing in and inspiring 
African American voters.” In the wake of the election, Phillips 
<https://www.thenation.com/article/the-next-dnc-chair-must-abandon-color-blind-politics/>
 wrote in The Nation that “the single greatest force shaping American politics 
today is the demographic revolution that is transforming the racial composition 
of the U.S. population.”

Taken together, Phillips writes in his book,  
<https://www.amazon.com/Brown-New-White-Demographic-Revolution/dp/1620971151> 
Brown Is the New White, “progressive people of color” already combine with 
“progressive whites” to make up 51 percent of voting-age Americans. “And that 
majority,” he adds, “is getting bigger every single day.” The strategy 
prescription logically follows. Rejecting the notion that Democrats must woo 
Trump voters as a “fool’s errand,” Phillips says the party must be 
“race-conscious and not race-neutral or color-blind.” Demographics are destiny. 
“The concerns of people of color,” he concludes, “should be driving politics 
today and into the future.”

This isn’t a new argument, of course— and I bear some responsibility for it. 
The book I co-wrote in 2002 with demographer Ruy Teixeira,  
<https://www.amazon.com/Emerging-Democratic-Majority-John-Judis/dp/0743254783> 
The Emerging Democratic Majority, laid out an overly optimistic forecast of the 
party’s prospects in an increasingly diverse America. By and large, Teixeira 
still holds to the view that the growth of minority populations will provide a 
long-term “boost to the left.” In his new book, fittingly titled  
<https://www.amazon.com/Optimistic-Leftist-Century-Better-Think/dp/1250089662> 
The Optimistic Leftist,Teixeira notes that by the 2050s, eleven of the 15 
largest states will be “majority-minority.”

On one level, there’s no arguing with the math. If you take the percentage of 
Americans that the U.S. census defines as “minorities” and project their past 
voting habits into the next decade and beyond, you’ll come up with a very sunny 
version of the Democrats’ prospects. There are only two problems with this line 
of thinking, but they’re pretty big ones. For starters, the census prediction 
of a “majority-minority” America—slated to  
<https://www.census.gov/content/dam/Census/library/publications/2015/demo/p25-1143.pdf>
 arrive in 2044—is deeply flawed. And so is the notion that ethnic minorities 
will always and forever continue to back Democrats in Obama-like numbers.

The U.S. census makes a critical assumption that undermines its predictions of 
a majority-nonwhite country. It projects that the same percentage of people who 
currently identify themselves as “Latino” or “Asian” will continue to claim 
those identities in future generations. In reality, 
<http://prospect.org/article/latino-flight-whiteness> that’s highly unlikely. 
History shows that as ethnic groups assimilate into American culture, they 
increasingly identify themselves as “white.”

Whiteness is not a genetic category, after all; it’s  
<https://www.scientificamerican.com/article/race-is-a-social-construct-scientists-argue/>
 a social and political constructthat relies on perception and prejudice. A 
century ago, Irish, Italians, and Jews were not seen as whites. “This town has 
8,000,000 people,” a young Harry Truman wrote his cousin upon visiting New York 
City in 1918. “7,500,000 of ’em are of Israelish extraction. (400,000 wops and 
the rest are white people.)” But by the time Truman became president, all those 
immigrant groups were considered “white.” There’s no reason to imagine that 
Latinos and Asians won’t follow much the same pattern.

In fact, it’s already happening. In the 2010 Census, 53 percent of Latinos  
<https://www.census.gov/prod/cen2010/briefs/c2010br-02.pdf> identified as 
“white,” as did more than half of Asian Americans of mixed parentage. In future 
generations, those percentages are almost certain to grow. According to a  
<http://www.pewsocialtrends.org/2017/05/18/intermarriage-in-the-u-s-50-years-after-loving-v-virginia/>
 recent Pew study, more than one-quarter of Latinos and Asians marry 
non-Latinos and non-Asians, and that number will surely continue to climb over 
the generations.

Unless ethnic identification is defined in purely racial—and racist—terms, the 
census projections are straight-out wrong and profoundly misleading. So is the 
assumption that Asians and Latinos will continue to vote at an overwhelming 
clip for Democrats. This view, which underpins the whole idea of a “new 
American majority,” ignores the diversity that already prevails among voters 
lumped together as “Latino” or “Asian.” Cuban-Americans in Miami vote  
<http://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2016/11/15/unlike-other-latinos-about-half-of-cuban-voters-in-florida-backed-trump/>
 very differently from Mexican-Americans in Los Angeles; immigrants from Japan 
or Vietnam come from starkly different cultures than those from South Korea or 
China. While more than two-thirds of Asian voters  
<http://www.cnn.com/2016/11/09/politics/clinton-votes-african-americans-latinos-women-white-voters/index.html>
 went for Obama in 2012 and Clinton in 2016, they leaned the other way in the 
2014 midterms: National exit polls showed them favoring Republicans by  
<http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/special/politics/2014-midterms/exit-polls/?tid=a_inl>
 50 to 49 percent.

 

Similarly, while Latinos form a strong Democratic bloc in California, in most 
states they don’t automatically punch the “D.” In Texas, Senator John Cornyn 
bested his Democratic opponent among Latinos in 2014  
<https://www.hispanicrepublicansoftx.org/results> by a small margin, and 
Senator Richard Burr won  
<http://www.cnn.com/election/results/exit-polls/north-carolina/senate> 49 
percent of the Latino vote in North Carolina last year over a strong liberal 
challenger. In Florida, Marco Rubio almost won the Latino vote in 2016. Those 
are not the kinds of numbers on which you can build a lasting majority.

Going forward, the real demographic question is not whether voters of color 
will combine with progressive whites to form a new American majority; it’s 
whether Democrats, without abandoning their commitment to racial justice and to 
America’s immigrants, can succeed in crafting a message and an agenda that 
steers clear of the liberal version of racial stereotyping: assuming that 
people of color will inevitably vote alike.

Democrats need to heed two obvious but often ignored facts about American 
politics. The first is that Democrats from Andrew Jackson to Barack Obama have 
succeeded in winning national elections (as have most of the Republicans who’ve 
entered the White House) by convincingly portraying themselves as the 
candidates of “the common folk” and “the middle class” against Wall Street and 
other special interests.

Especially following his noxious comments on Charlottesville, it’s hard to see 
Trump’s election as anything but a national revival of white supremacy. To be 
sure, he put out plenty of  
<https://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/post-partisan/wp/2017/07/06/trumps-white-nationalist-dog-whistles-in-warsaw/?utm_term=.29644743cba0>
 dog whistles for the racists. But in the general election, Trump ran as the 
candidate of the  
<https://www.nbcnews.com/specials/donald-trump-republican-party/presidency> 
“silent majority,” who promised to “make America great again” in the face of 
opposition from “the establishment.”

The second fact about elections is that conservatives in both parties have 
repeatedly defeated left and center-left candidates by dividing their natural 
constituency—the bottom two-thirds of America’s economic pyramid—along racial 
or ethnic lines. The Democrats who have successfully countered this 
divide-and-conquer strategy didn’t turn their backs on the civil rights of 
African Americans or Mexican-Americans, or on a woman’s right to choose; 
rather, they emphasized the fundamental interest in prosperity and peace that 
unites the working and middle classes. Think of Bill Clinton’s “putting people 
first” campaign in 1992, or Obama’s reelection effort in 2012, when he spent 
the year  
<http://abcnews.go.com/blogs/politics/2012/02/president-obama-suggests-romney-shoveling-a-load-of-you-know-what/>
 contrasting his vision of a country in which “everybody gets a fair shot” with 
the GOP’s “same old you’re-on-your-own philosophy.”

By contrast, Hillary Clinton’s  
<https://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/plum-line/wp/2016/05/23/what-hillary-clintons-latest-slogan-were-stronger-together-really-says-about-her-candidacy/?utm_term=.c7453cb6709e>
 “Stronger Together” campaign was rooted in the idea of “inclusion.” She 
conveyed her concern with race, ethnicity, and gender, but not with what 
Sanders called “the disappearing middle class.”

If Democrats try to win future elections by relying on narrow racial-ethnic 
targeting, they will not only enable the Republicans to play wedge politics, 
they will also miss the opportunity to make a broader economic argument. Not 
long ago, I spoke with Mustafa Tameez, a Houston political consultant who made 
his name helping to elect the  
<https://www.texastribune.org/2014/01/10/texas-house-race-draws-focus-vietnamese-bloc/>
 first Vietnamese-American to the Texas House. The momentum in American 
politics, he believes, is with Democrats who stress “an economic message rather 
than ethnic-identity politics. We can’t buy into the conservative frame that 
the Democrats are a party of the minorities.”

This thinking runs contrary to the “race-conscious” strategy touted by 
Democrats who believe that a majority-minority nation is a guarantee of 
victory. Sorry to say, but it’s not going to happen. The best way for Democrats 
to build a lasting majority is to fight for an agenda of shared prosperity that 
has the power to unite, rather than divide, their natural constituencies. There 
is no need, in short, for Democrats to choose between appealing to white 
workers and courting people of color. By making a strong and effective case for 
economic justice, they can do both at the same time.

-- 
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