PETRAS ESSAYS IN ENGLISH
December 15, 2001
 
The Ford Foundation and the CIA: A documented case of philanthropic
collaboration with the Secret Police
James Petras
 
The CIA uses philanthropic foundations as the most effective conduit to
channel large sums of money to Agency projects without alerting the recipients to
their  source. From the early 1950s to the present the CIA's intrusion into
the  foundation field was/and is huge. A U.S. Congressional investigation in
1976 revealed that nearly 50% of the 700 grants in the
field of international activities by the principal foundations were funded
by the CIA (Saunders, pp.  134-135). The CIA considers foundations such as
Ford "The best and most  plausible kind of funding cover" (Saunders 135). The
collaboration of  respectable and prestigious foundations, according to one
former CIA operative,  allowed the Agency to fund "a seemingly limitless range
of covert action  programs affecting youth groups, labor unions, universities,
publishing houses  and other private institutions" (p. 135). 

The latter included "human rights"  groups beginning in the 1950s to the
present. One of the most important "private  foundations" collaborating with the
CIA over a significant span of time in major  projects in the cultural Cold
War is the Ford
Foundation.

This essay will demonstrate that the Ford Foundation-CIA connection was a 
deliberate, conscious joint effort to strengthen U.S. imperial cultural
hegemony  and to undermine left-wing political and cultural influence. We will
proceed by  examining the historical links between the Ford Foundation and the
CIA during  the Cold War, by examining the Presidents of the Foundation, their
joint  projects and goals as well as their common efforts in various cultural
areas. 

Background: Ford Foundation and the CIA  
By the late 1950s the Ford Foundation possessed over $3 billion in assets.
The  leaders of the Foundation were in total agreement with Washington's
post-WWII  projection of world power. A noted scholar of the period writes: "At
times it  seemed as if the Ford Foundation was simply an extension of
government in the  area of international cultural propaganda. The foundation had a
record of close  involvement in covert actions in Europe, working closely with
Marshall Plan and  CIA officials on specific projects" (Saunders, p.139). 

This is graphically  illustrated by the naming of Richard Bissell as
President of the Foundation in  1952. In his two years in office Bissell met often
with the head of the CIA,  Allen Dulles, and other CIA officials in a "mutual
search" for new ideas. In  1954 Bissell left Ford to become a special
assistant to Allen Dulles in January 1954 (Saunders p. 139). Under Bissell, Ford
Foundation (FF) was the "vanguard of Cold War thinking". One of the FF first
Cold War project was the establishment  of a publishing house, Inter-cultural
Publications, and the publication of a  magazine Perspectives in Europe in four
languages. The FF purpose according to  Bissell was not "so much to defeat
the leftist intellectuals in dialectical  combat (sic) as to lure them away
from their positions" (Saunders p. 140). The board of directors of the
publishing house was completely dominated by cultural  Cold Warriors. Given the
strong leftist culture in Europe in the post-war  period, Perspectives failed to
attract readers and went bankrupt. Another  journal Der Monat funded by the
Confidential Fund of the U.S. military and run  by Melvin Lasky was taken over
by the FF, to provide it with the appearance of  independence (Saunders p.
140). In 1954 the new president of the FF was John  McCloy. He epitomized
imperial power. Prior to becoming president of the FF he had been Assistant
Secretary of War, president of the World Bank, High  Commissioner of occupied
Germany, chairman of Rockefeller's Chase Manhattan  Bank, Wall Street attorney for
the big seven oil companies and director of  numerous corporations. As High
Commissioner in Germany, McCloy had provided  cover for scores of CIA agents
(Saunders p. 141). McCloy integrated the FF with  CIA operations. He created
an administrative unit within the FF specifically to  deal with the CIA.
McCloy headed a three person consultation committee with the  CIA to facilitate
the use of the FF for a cover and conduit of funds. With these  structural
linkages the FF was one of those organizations the CIA was able to  mobilize for
political warfare against the anti-imperialist and pro-communist  left.
Numerous CIA "fronts" received major FF grants. Numerous supposedly 
"independent" CIA sponsored cultural organizations, human rights groups, artists  and
intellectuals received CIA/FF grants. One of the biggest donations of the FF 
was to the CIA organized Congress for Cultural Freedom which received $7
million  by the early 1960s. Numerous CIA operatives secured employment in the FF
and  continued close collaboration with the Agency (Saunders p 143).
>From its very origins there was a close structural relation and inter-change
of personnel at the highest levels between th  CIA and the FF. This
structural tie  was based on the common imperial interests which they shared. The
result of  their collatoration was the proliferation of a number of journals and
access to  the mass media which pro-U.S. intellectuals used to launch
vituperative polemics  against Marxists and other anti-imperialists. The FF funding
of these anti-  Marxists organizations and intellectuals provided a legal
cover for their claims  of being "independent" of government funding (CIA).  

The FF funding of CIA cultural fronts was important in recruiting
non-communist intellectuals who were encouraged to attack the Marxist and communist
left. Many of these non-communist leftist later claimed that they were "duped",
that had they known that the FF was fronting for the CIA, they would not have
lent their  name and prestige. This disillusionment of the anti-communist
left however took  place after revelations of the FF-CIA collaboration were
published in the press.  Were these anti-communist social democrats really so
naive as to believe that  all the Congresses at luxury villas and five star
hotels in Lake Como, Paris and  Rome, all the expensive art exhibits and glossy
magazines were simple acts of  voluntary philanthropy? Perhaps. But even the
most naive must have been aware  that in all the Congresses and journals the
target of criticism was "Soviet  imperialism" and Communist tyranny" and
"leftist apologists of dictatorship": -  despite the fact that it was an open
secret that the U.S. intervened to  overthrow the democratic Arbenz government
in Guatemala and the Mossadegh regime in Iran and human rights were massively
violated by U.S. backed dictators in Cuba, Dominican Republic, Nicaragua and
elsewhere. The "indignation" and claims of "innocence" by many anti-communist
left intellectuals after their membership in CIA cultural fronts was
revealed must be taken with a large amount of cynical skepticism. One prominent
journalist, Andrew Kopkind, wrote of a deep sense of moral disillusionment with
the private foundation funded CIA cultural fronts. He wrote "The distance
between the rhetoric of the open society and the reality of control was greater
than anyone thought. Everyone who went abroad for an American organization
was, in one way or another, a witness to the theory that  the world was torn
between communism and democracy and anything in between was treason. 

The illusion of dissent was maintained: the CIA supported socialist  cold
warriors, fascist cold warriors, black and white cold warriors. The 
catholicity and flexibility of the CIA operations were major advantages. But it  was a
sham pluralism and it was utterly corrupting" (Saunders, pp. 408-409).  When
a U.S. journalist Dwight Macdonald who was an editor of Encounter (a FF-CIA
funded influential cultural journal) sent an article critical of U.S. culture
and politics it was rejected by the editors,working closely with the CIA 
(Saunders, pp. 314-321). In the field of painting and theater the CIA worked 
with the FF to promote abstract expressionism against any artistic statement 
with a social content, providing funds and contacts for highly publicized 
exhibits in Europe and favorable reviews by "sponsored" journalists. The 
interlocking directorate between the CIA, the Ford Foundation and the New York
Museum of Modern Art lead to a lavish promotion of "individualistic" art remote 
from the people - and a vicious attack on European painters, writers and 
playwrights writing from a critical realist perspective. 
"Abstract Expressionism" whatever its artist's intention became a weapon in
the Cold War (Saunders, p. 263). 

The Ford Foundation's history of collaboration and interlock with the CIA in
 pursuit of U.S. world hegemony is now a well documented fact. The remaining
 issue is whether that relationship continues into the new Millenium after
the  exposures of the 1960s? The FF made some superficial changes. They are
more  flexible in providing small grants to human rights groups and academic 
researchers who occasionally dissent from U.S. policy. They are not as likely
to  recruit CIA operatives to head the organization. More significantly they
are likely to collaborate more openly with the U.S. government in its
cultural and  educational projects, particularly with the Agency of International
Development.  The FF has in some ways refined their style of collaboration with
Washington's  attempt to produce world cultural domination, but retained the
substance of that  policy. For example the FF is very selective in the
funding of educational institutions. Like the IMF, the FF imposes conditions such
as the  "professionalization" of academic personnel and "raising standards."
In effect   this translates into the promotion of social scientific work
based on the  assumptions , values and orientations of the U.S. empire; to have
professionals  de-linked from the class struggle and connected with
pro-imperial U.S. academics  and foundation functionaries supporting the neo- liberal
model.

 As in the 1950s and 60s the Ford Foundation today selectively funds
anti-leftist human rights groups which focus on attacking human rights violations of
U.S. adversaries, and distancing themselves from anti-imperialist human
rights organizations and leaders. The FF has developed a sophisticated strategy
of  funding human rights groups (HRG) that appeal to Washington to change its
policy while denouncing U.S. adversaries their "systematic" violations. The
FF supports  HRG which equate massive state terror by the U.S. with individual
excesses of  anti-imperialist adversaries. The FF finances HRG which do not
participate in  anti-globalization and anti-neoliberal mass actions and which
defend the Ford  Foundation as a legitimate and generous "non-governmental
organization". 

History and contemporary experience tells us a different story. At a time
when over government funding of cultural activities by Washington is suspect,
the FF fulfills a very important role in projecting U.S. cultural policies as
an  apparently "private" non-political philanthropic organization. The ties
between  the top officials of the FF and the U.S. government are explicit and
continuing.  A review of recently funded projects reveals that the FF has
never funded any  major project that contravenes U.S. policy. In the current
period of a major U.S. military-political offensive, Washington has posed the
issue as "terrorism or democracy," just as during the Cold War it posed the
question as "Communism or Democracy." In both instances the Empire recruited and
funded "front organizations, intellectuals and journalists to  attack its
anti-imperialist adversaries and neutralize its democratic critics.  The Ford
Foundation is well situated to replay its role as collaborate a cover  for the
New Cultural Cold War. 
   
 


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