Although the public schools no longer try to make Protestants of Catholics, 
many people of faith believe today that  the effect of strictly secular schools 
is to convert all children of faith into secularists. Mike McConnell once put 
it this way:"A secular education
does not necessarily produce atheists, but it produces young adults who
inevitably think of religion as extraneous to the real world of
intellectual inquiry, if they think of religion at all."

One of the reasons I support school choice is because I don't believe public 
schools should be trying to convert any child away from the faith of his or her 
family. 

When students see all sorts of secular celebrations permitted in the school, 
and all sorts of secular views taught in the classroom, but absolutely no 
religious celebrations or religious ideas coming in as part of the school 
experience, they are indeed likely to think that religion is not worth 
recognizing and not worth thinking about.

Let's put religious holidays aside for a moment and think about a public 
school--maybe one your children attend--in which the GLBT Allies group 
convinces a friendly teacher to put up a display celebrating Gay Pride Month. 
Now assume some conservative Christian parents (some of you might call them 
"Fundamentalists") complain to the principal or the school board about the Gay 
Pride Display. The teacher is told to remove the display from his classroom.

Do you believe that the GLBT students are being censored, being deprived of the 
right to enjoy the Gay Pride Display? Indeed, I bet many law profs would argue 
that it is unconstitutional for school authorities to order the teacher to 
remove the Gay Pride Display. I can just hear all the Pico arguments about the 
"right to receive speech" being polished up for use in the case.

What would you call the complaining families? Champions of liberty? Or  
fundamentalist censors trying to impose their narrow views on the teacher and 
students who wish to enjoy the Gay Pride Display?

The way many of you think about the Christian Hecklers is the way many 
religious people think about the ACLU when it sues to censor a Nativity Display 
in a school or park.

Whatever Madison may or may not have thought about public religion in Virginia, 
the EC was not designed to permit federal judges to dictate what holidays local 
public schools may recognize. Indeed, the EC is really about federalism, about 
protecting state and local autonomy respecting religion from Congressional 
interference. The incorporated EC is a disaster, because a provision designed 
to protect state autonomy has become one which usurps local control

Issues like the curriculum and interior decorating of public schools are best 
left to local officials. I trust my neighbors and my community much more than I 
trust the federal judiciary to draw these difficult lines appropriately.


Rick Duncan 
Welpton Professor of Law 
University of Nebraska College of Law 
Lincoln, NE 68583-0902


"Democracy is two wolves and a lamb voting on what to have for lunch. Liberty 
is a well-armed lamb contesting 
the vote."--Ben Franklin (perhaps misattributed, but still worthy of Franklin)

"It's a funny thing about us human beings: not many of us doubt God's existence 
and then start sinning. Most of us sin and then start doubting His existence."  
--J. Budziszewski (The Revenge of Conscience)     "Once again the ancient maxim 
is vindicated, that the perversion of the best is the worst." -- Id.

--- On Sun, 3/29/09, Brownstein, Alan <[email protected]> wrote:

From: Brownstein, Alan <[email protected]>
Subject: RE: Using religion for government purposes
To: "Law & Religion issues for Law Academics" <[email protected]>
Date: Sunday, March 29, 2009, 2:28 PM

       I think Eugene may have read more into my comment than I intended 
(probably my fault for not being more clear and trying to get away with too 
brief a comment). I think it is problematic to argue that our government is 
"identified with a particular conception of God." There are strong arguments 
based on history, evolving cultural commitments, and constitutional case law to 
support the argument that government should not identify itself with, and use 
the  resources of government to promote, a particular religious faith. There 
are arguments on the other side as well -- but I think the direction of law and 
history has been toward inclusivity rather than preferentialism.

      Clearly some kinds of traditionally accepted preferentialism are no 
longer acceptable. Government does not fund missionaries to convert Native 
Americans today and it does not use the public schools to promote Protestantism 
over Catholicism. In the past, American culture and law has been able to 
increasingly advance an inclusive understanding of religious liberty and 
equality without rejecting some broadly stated public commitment to religion. 
As our society has become more diverse, however, this has become increasingly 
more difficult to do. Hence, the degree of constitutional conflict over this 
issue. 

       I suspect we are going to see some very hard cases in the future. If the 
constitutional constraints on government displays of religious messages weaken, 
most decision makers, I suspect, will accept displays from many of the 
popularly recognized faiths in our society. Having done so, however, that will 
make the rejection of less popular and recognized faiths all the more glaring. 
It will be increasingly difficult to characterize government decisions in those 
cases as anything other than the rejection of particular religions. That's 
problematic to me (and it is, I believe subject to constitutional challenge) -- 
but it seems to me to be the inevitable consequence of permitting government to 
identify and align itself "with a particular conception of God."

Alan Brownstein





  

________________________________________
From: [email protected] [[email protected]] 
On Behalf Of Volokh, Eugene [[email protected]]
Sent: Saturday, March 28, 2009 9:29 PM
To: Law & Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: RE: Using religion for government purposes

        I agree with Alan at a general level.  Among other things, I
think his observations, like mine, help show that it's problematic to
say that "our government is supposed to be 'under God,' not one with
God, or identified with a particular conception of God.  Totalitarian
states co-opt God, and loyalty to God, for their own purposes; the
Establishment Clause forbids that in the U.S."  Forbids on what
authority?  And supposed to by whom?

        Eugene

> -----Original Message-----
> From: [email protected] [mailto:religionlaw-
> [email protected]] On Behalf Of Brownstein, Alan
> Sent: Friday, March 27, 2009 10:29 AM
> To: Law & Religion issues for Law Academics
> Subject: RE: Using religion for government purposes
>
> I think that Eugene's mention of the fact that the government's
accepted use of
> religion occurred at a "pretty ecumenical level" has to carry a lot of
weight here.
> It's not that there weren't countervailing cultural, political, and
legal aspects of our
> history. Certainly, contempt for Native American faiths,
anti-Semitism, anti-
> Mormonism and anti-Catholicism are a part of our heritage. But our
constitutional
> culture had a strong foundation in inclusive and non-preferential
church-state
> relationships and has increasingly evolved toward increased
inclusivity. Today,
> given the diversity of beliefs in our society, these parallel themes
of inclusivity
> and anti-preferentialism on the one hand and some limited use of
religion by
> government on the other are increasingly difficult to reconcile.
>
> Alan Brownstein
> ________________________________________
> From: [email protected]
[[email protected]]
> On Behalf Of Volokh, Eugene [[email protected]]
> Sent: Friday, March 27, 2009 8:51 AM
> To: Law & Religion issues for Law Academics
> Subject: Using religion for government purposes
>
> Chip Lupu writes:
>
> > Second, our government is supposed to
> > be "under God," not one with God, or identified with a particular
> conception of God.
> > Totalitarian states co-opt God, and loyalty to God, for their own
> purposes; the
> > Establishment Clause forbids that in the U.S.
>
>         I wonder where the "supposed to" comes from.  As I understand
> it, throughout much of history it was understood that the government
was
> supposed to use religion -- at least at a pretty broad level -- for
its
> own purposes.  That seems pretty clear in the invocations of God in
the
> first and last paragraphs of the Declaration of Independence and
nearly
> all state constitutional preambles.  It also seems to be pointed to by
> the Northwest Ordinance ("Religion, morality, and knowledge, being
> necessary to good government and the happiness of mankind, schools and
> the means of education shall forever be encouraged") and other legal
> rules.
>
>         To be sure, there was long the understanding that there should
> be limits on this (though for a long time they were exclusively
> prudential political limits rather than judicially enforceable ones),
> and in particular that co-opting loyalty to God works best when one
puts
> it at a pretty ecumenical level.  But the notion that people's
> religiosity -- and God talk more broadly -- can legitimately be used
as
> a government tool seems to have been pretty broadly accepted
throughout
> most of American history.  And I take it that it's still accepted
pretty
> broadly by many Americans.
>
>         Now maybe the "is supposed to" refers not to original meaning
or
> tradition or current consensus, but the judgment (perhaps the correct
> judgment) of some influential groups within modern legal elites.  But
I
> think it would require more defense than just the historical-sounding
> "is supposed to."
>
>         As to totalitarianism, some totalitarian states (e.g., Iran)
> co-opt loyalty to God, others (e.g., the USSR and other Communist
> countries) rejected it, and for others (e.g., Nazi Germany) it seems
not
> to have played much of a role.  Likewise, some non-totalitarian states
> (e.g., the U.S.) have historically co-opted loyalty to God, at least
in
> a relatively ecumenical way.  So I'm not sure that history at that
level
> of abstraction tells us much.
>
>         Eugene
> _______________________________________________
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