I would also add that Greg Sisk’s syllogism only works if (1) you are also 
willing to allow photographers, florists, caterers, bakers, etc. to refuse to 
work at mixed-race weddings, or (2) you conclude that refusal to participate in 
same-sex wedding ceremonies is somehow more worthy of protection than refusal 
to participate in mixed-race weddings.

As to the former, we as a society (or so I had thought) have concluded that we 
are unwilling to tolerate that type of discrimination, whatever its motivation.

As to the latter, I still haven’t seen a principled basis for saying that 
sexual-orientation-based discrimination is somehow more benign than race-based 
discrimination (be it in the context of marriage, marriage ceremonies, or 
otherwise). Perhaps this debate is hopelessly circular: lots of people – 
including lots of smart people – still oppose same-sex marriage, and smart 
people who oppose same-sex marriage will naturally come up with ways to treat 
their opposition to same-sex marriage as less problematic than other types of 
discrimination that have been more widely discredited. But that doesn’t change 
what otherwise appears to be purely invidious discrimination.


On Feb 27, 2014, at 8:40 PM, Ira Lupu 
<icl...@law.gwu.edu<mailto:icl...@law.gwu.edu>> wrote:

Greg Sisk's post re: how to think about the wedding photographer is just the 
compelled speech argument one more time.  In the case of a photographer, a 
First A claim of compelled speech is plausible, though not entirely persuasive. 
 In the case of a baker, florist, wine vendor, or caterer, the argument that 
their providing service to a same sex wedding involves compelling them to speak 
about the moral/religious bona fides of the ceremony is not even plausible.

But there is a deeper issue lurking in Greg's post.  If the photographer has a 
good compelled speech claim, it is entirely independent of religion.  She can 
have any reason, or no reason at all, to refuse to speak.  She can have 
religious objections, homophobic reactions, or aesthetic concerns about taking 
pictures of two brides or two grooms.  Her reasons are totally irrelevant.  
This is the precise lesson of Minersville v. Gobitis (no free exercise 
exemptions from compulsory Flag Salute at school) and West Va Bd of Ed v. 
Barnette (no one can be compelled to salute the American flag).  And if reasons 
are irrelevant, because this is a compelled speech problem, then it extends to 
all weddings -- inter-racial, inter-religious, Italian, Polish, Jewish, etc.  
The photographer cannot be "conscripted" by civil rights laws into taking and 
displaying photos against her will.  Maybe this is a good result; I have my 
doubts.  But it is NOT a religious exemption, and it does NOT require any 
parsing of phobic/bigoted/sincerely religious reasons to abstain. So, under 
Greg's approach, the problem raised by RFRA's, re: separating religious 
sincerity from phobic bigotry, remains entirely unresolved.


On Thu, Feb 27, 2014 at 7:43 PM, Sisk, Gregory C. 
<gcs...@stthomas.edu<mailto:gcs...@stthomas.edu>> wrote:
Although Steve’s post could be dismissed as filled with overstatements, unfair 
characterizations, demonization of dissenting voices, and setting up strawmen 
to easily knock down, let me take his points at face value and use them as a 
starting point for a conversation that might lower the tension and find some 
common ground.  Much of the back-and-forth accusations that fly past each other 
without true engagement may be traced to (1) the over-use or the mis-use of the 
term “discriminate” and (2) at least the appearance of overreaching in 
requesting accommodation.  The central point of dispute here really comes down 
to situations that involve a personal decision not to be forced to participate 
in a celebration or an affirmance of something with which one does not agree.  
Yes, other situations may arise and deserve consideration on their own merits.  
But let’s set those to one side for now.  If we were to narrow the battlefield 
down to the point of coerced personal participation and identification with a 
position or message and preserving freedom of association in a narrow category, 
perhaps we might find a place where the heat could be lowered, where the 
accusation of discrimination is strained, and accommodations less grudgingly 
accepted.

Steve states that “general societal laws . . . would require [religious 
believers] to ignore the sexual orientation of students, employees, customers, 
etc.”  Now that is not an accurate description of new anti-discrimination laws, 
which go much further in effect.  But suppose that his description were 
correct.  Indeed, perhaps it should be correct and anti-discrimination laws 
should be recalibrated to fit Steve’s description.  If we did so, we might be 
able to establish a common ground in which anti-discrimination laws would be 
harder to challenge on religious grounds and easier to defend as not imposing a 
governmental orthodoxy on others.  If persons of traditional religious faith 
with a dissenting view on sexual morality were simply required to “ignore the 
sexual orientation” of those with whom study or teach, work, or engage in the 
marketplace, it would indeed be more difficult to defend resistance to such a 
requirement as (1) involving a substantial burden on religious exercise, (2) 
justifying an exemption from anti-discrimination laws, or (3) involving a 
religious principle as opposed to simple hostility.  Of course, few or none of 
the real world religious liberty cases that arise involve such things as a 
grocer refusing to allow someone to purchase a bag of groceries or a physician 
refusing to set someone’s broken leg.  But that just goes to show that Steve 
might have pointed us to a place of consensual rest.  An anti-discrimination 
law of such scope would find near universal approbation.

To be sure, there would still be a subset of instances in which religious 
liberty claims would be more powerful as a matter of affirmative association 
more than negative exclusion, although that line is often hard to draw.  I’m 
speaking here about something like a small family business that wants to hire 
only fellow religious believers so as to maintain a spiritual environment at 
work or a retired person who wishes to sublet a room in the house to a 
compatible person of shared religious values.  As long as an exemption for this 
would be restricted to small, intimate settings – that is, truly small 
mom-and-pop style businesses, along the lines that Doug Laycock suggests, and 
perhaps subject to limitations where a hardship or denial of service would 
apply.  But let’s set this situation to one side for the moment.

What is more problematic for those of us who advocate for a more robust 
religious liberty regime are those cases, such as the Elane photography case, 
where an individual in either personal or business life is effectively coerced 
by the law to participate in a ceremony or to become a tool to advance an 
ideological message.  In other words, we are not talking at all about being 
required to “ignore sexual orientation” but rather the opposite.  To focus on 
the most visible case on the matter, the wedding photographer is not being 
asked to simply ignore the sexual orientation of those in a same-sex marriage, 
but to be part of a ceremony in which a same-sex union is affirmed.  
Importantly, this is not a concern that turns on a single situation or type of 
message.  And denial of the right to refuse to participate carries dangerous 
for freedom of religion, thought, association, etc. far beyond the current 
debate about same-sex marriage.  A photographer who objects to being used to 
promote a military program or a political rally or a religious ceremony should 
likewise have the freedom to decline to be used for a message that she chooses 
not to advance.

Now we could, of course, call this refusal to participate “discrimination.”  
But at some point that term proves too much and becomes diluted by over-use and 
quite distant in application from the kind of invidious and immediately harmful 
discrimination that traditionally was addressed by civil rights laws.  If 
someone invites me to a boxing match, and I decline because I find the 
spectacle distasteful, I have in a generic sense discriminated, both against 
the boxing enthusiast who invites me and the culture of boxing.  Let me take it 
step further.  If you run an advertising agency and are asked to prepare an 
advertisement for a political candidate whose message you find repugnant and 
you decline, you again are discriminating, now on the basis of political views. 
 While that has not yet become basis for anti-discrimination laws, it is being 
proposed in some municipalities.  But I still have not come to a traditional 
civil rights law classification.   So let me take it still another step.  If I 
invite you to join me for a prayer services, and you decline because you do not 
share my religious views, you have “discriminated” against me and done so on 
the basis of religion.  But surely we are not going to legislate on such a 
subject and justify it as fighting “discrimination.”

So if we were to formulate a narrow exemption that makes clear that no person 
is required to participate in or directly provide services to a ceremony or 
campaign whose message that person does not wish to advance, could we find a 
point of common agreement at last?  For the wedding photographer or the event 
planner or the bed-and-breakfast, their resistance is really no different in 
nature than the person who declines to accompany another to a prayer service.  
Of course, we’d need to be careful in tailoring such an exception, so that it 
was not misused to, say, allow the taxi driver to refuse to deliver a person to 
a location, such as a church or military recruitment center.  But I think we 
could come to a description that tied into more intimate involvement in a 
ceremony or message.  Again, I’m not saying this clears the decks altogether, 
but it would be a starting point toward balance.


Gregory Sisk
Laghi Distinguished Chair in Law
University of St. Thomas School of Law (Minnesota)
MSL 400, 1000 LaSalle Avenue
Minneapolis, MN  55403-2005
651-962-4923
gcs...@stthomas.edu<mailto:gcs...@stthomas.edu>
http://personal.stthomas.edu/GCSISK/sisk.html<http://personal2.stthomas.edu/GCSISK/sisk.html>
Publications:  http://ssrn.com/author=44545

From: 
religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu<mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu> 
[mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu<mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu>]
 On Behalf Of Steven Jamar
Sent: Thursday, February 27, 2014 5:11 PM
To: Law Religion & Law List

Subject: Re: bigotry and sincere religious belief
Importance: Low


I get that religious people do not want to be discriminated against.  Indeed, 
they have lots of protections in the laws already protecting them from 
discrimination in employment, public accomodations, and so on.  And they have 
lots of special treatment in the form of exemptions from laws that constrain 
everyone else.  And they have RFRAs — state and federal — no other group has 
that sort of protection.

But these highly-protected, coddled people want even more — they want to deny 
these rights to homosexuals.  They want to discriminate against people on the 
basis of sexual orientation.  They want to be free to ignore general societal 
laws that would require them to ignore the sexual orientation of students, 
employees, customers, etc.

And then they turn around, after all the exceptions, exemptions, 
accommodations, special treatment, protections from discrimination that they 
enjoy, and claim that anyone who does not agree to give them even more, or 
perhaps more accurately described as "ever more” special treatment.  And not 
because they are part of a religious order or organization, and not because 
anyone is forcing them to engage in business or to do anything except not 
discriminate — but because of a distaste for someone else’s sexual orientation 
and a religious theory of complicity with evil — thus making all homosexuals 
being evil and tools of the devil.

And not only that, they claim that those of us who think that religious 
adherents should not get a unit veto on all general welfare and social justice 
and human rights legislation and norms are in fact the true bigots for not 
giving them everything.

Really!

You’d think that religious people were being persecuted and hounded and locked 
up to hear the hew and cry being raised, when in fact, all that is being done 
is to say — secular and sacred are separate in our constitutional system — and 
that those who wish to live their values must then find ways to do so that do 
not conflict with established secular social justice norms.

I get that they don’t like being equated with racial bigots of decades past and 
present.  But, "by their fruits shall you know them,” — can a religious 
motivation ever expunge the taste of the bitter fruit being pushed?  
Status-based discrimination is a bitter fruit indeed and it is what is being 
pushed by some religious adherents.

No one is requiring them to like homosexuality, to become homosexual, to 
befriend a homosexual (though I suspect Jesus would have something to say about 
each of these that some Christians would not like to hear), or to do anything 
at all except to treat them as people entitled to equal rights and dignity.

This is indeed about animus toward homosexuals —even if it is sourced in or 
clothed in religious garb and even if that source is genuine and sincerely 
believed based on something other than culturally received bigotry.

We as a society can make judgments about the proper bounds of treatment of 
everyone and do not need to exempt people from respecting the worth and dignity 
of each person just because of a religious belief or the even more tenuous 
complicity theory.

I kinda like this wikipedia definition of bigotry:

Bigotry is the state of mind of a bigot: someone who, as a result of their 
prejudices<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Prejudice>, treats or views other 
people with fear, distrust, hatred, contempt, or intolerance on the basis of a 
person's opinion<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Opinion>, 
ethnicity<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethnicity>, 
race<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Race>, 
religion<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Religion>, national 
origin<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/National_origin>, 
gender<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gender>,gender 
identity<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gender_identity>, sexual 
orientation<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sexual_orientation>, 
disability<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Disability>, socioeconomic 
status<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Socioeconomic_status>, or other 
characteristics.

“as a result of their prejudices” — does the source of the prejudice, even if 
it is sincerely held religious beliefs make it any less of a prejudice?

Steve



--
Prof. Steven D. Jamar                     vox:  202-806-8017
Director of International Programs, Institute for Intellectual Property and 
Social Justice http://iipsj.org<http://iipsj.org/>
Howard University School of Law           fax:  202-806-8567
http://iipsj.com/SDJ/


"The aim of education must be the training of independently acting and thinking 
individuals who, however, see in the service to the community their highest 
life achievement."

Albert Einstein


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--
Ira C. Lupu
F. Elwood & Eleanor Davis Professor of Law, Emeritus
George Washington University Law School
2000 H St., NW
Washington, DC 20052
(202)994-7053
Co-author (with Professor Robert Tuttle) of "Secular Government, Religious 
People" (forthcoming, summer 2014, Wm. B. Eerdmans Pub. Co.)
My SSRN papers are here:
http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/cf_dev/AbsByAuth.cfm?per_id=181272#reg
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