Could eminent domain be used to take an entire religious facility absent the 
Pillar of Fire facts and assuming other suitable facilities could be found by 
the religious group? I suppose so.

Could the government take a room within a religious facility and use it for 
purposes thought sinful by the religious group? That would seem to interfere 
with the independence of the religious group; it would involuntarily intertwine 
it with the evil and with the government (assuming that under these facts the 
two could be distinguished).

Antiochus tried to take a holy space for government use. It did not turn out 
well, and I doubt it would have mattered if he had promised to pay rent. (But 
perhaps that's like the Pillar of Fire case.)

Mark S. Scarberry
Pepperdine University School of Law

Sent from my iPad

On Apr 10, 2016, at 3:04 PM, Nelson Tebbe 
<nelson.te...@brooklaw.edu<mailto:nelson.te...@brooklaw.edu>> wrote:



I wrote a paper with Christopher Serkin arguing that RLUIPA should not be read 
to provide protection against eminent domain — it might be helpful in answering 
Mary Anne’s first question: http://ssrn.com/abstract=1328921

Nelson

On Apr 10, 2016, at 5:47 PM, Volokh, Eugene 
<vol...@law.ucla.edu<mailto:vol...@law.ucla.edu>> wrote:

Mary Anne Case asked:

1) Why does everyone on the Court seem so blithely to agree with Paul Clement 
that for the government to take over a room in the Little Sisters’ facility to 
operate a Title X clinic, even if they paid market price for the room, would of 
course be impermissible?  Couldn’t such a government action be seen as a taking 
for public use with just compensation?  Are RFRA and/or RLUIPA thought more 
generally to protect religiously motivated property owners from what would 
otherwise be permissible takings?  If so, are there cases? And specifically 
with respect to access to contraception, might it not sometimes be the less 
restrictive alternative for a government, for example, to use eminent domain to 
take over space in, for example, a Catholic health care facility, in which 
medical goods and services which the facility objects to providing might be 
made available?

2) When Roberts says, “Well, the way constitutional objections work is you 
might have to change current law,”  why is the response merely “laughter” 
rather than the observation that a RFRA objection is not a constitutional 
objection?

Two quick reactions:

1.  I think that RFRA may well protect religiously motivated property owners 
from what would otherwise be permissible takings.  Indeed, one of the few 
Sherbert/Yoder-era appellate court victories (however tentative) for a 
religious exemption claim was Pillar of Fire v. Denver Urban Renewal Authority, 
509 P.2d 1250 (Colo. 1973), which held that a church might be able to prevail 
under the Free Exercise Clause in its challenge to a government action 
condemning the church that formed the birthplace of plaintiff’s religious 
denomination.  I recognize, though, that this sort of claim (our property is of 
special religious significance to us) may be different, for substantial burden 
purposes, from the claim contemplated by the question (we don’t want our 
property used for sinful purposes, even if it’s taken by the government).

2.  Zubik, like other RFRA cases, are – at least ostensibly – about 
implementing Congress’s will, including its will in enacting RFRA.  But 
Congress, when it enacted RFRA, expressly took the view that religious 
accommodation claims should be treated as akin to constitutional objections 
(since it disagreed with the majority opinion in Smith).  So “the way 
constitutional objections work is you might have to change current law” was 
likely intended (and understood) as shorthand for (a) the way constitutional 
objections work is that you might have to change current law, (b) Congress 
meant to incorporate a constitutional-objection way of thinking into RFRA, and 
(c) RFRA objections thus work the same way.

Eugene

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