says his activism led inevitably to confrontation with government.  By
Saule Mukhametrakhimova

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Exiled trade union leader says his activism led inevitably to
confrontation with government.

By Saule Mukhametrakhimova

Trade unions that represent their members properly in Kazakstan cannot
avoid entering into confrontation with the government, as labour
rights essentially count as a political issue, a leading union leader
forced into exile says.

Esenbek Ukteshbaev, leader of the independent Janartu (Revival) trade
union, gave an interview to IWPR on a recent visit to London to raise
awareness about workers’ rights in Kazakstan.

Ukteshbaev has been living in Moscow since October 2011, when he and
Janartu deputy chairman Ainur Kurmanov left Kazakstan after they were
threatened with arrest. In September, they were charged with “taking
the law into their own hands” by obstructing the eviction of a family.
One of the groups associated with Janartu represents people struggling
to keep up with mortgage payments. Both men deny committing a criminal

Janartu operates as a trade union federation that includes
manufacturing, public sector, mine and service industry workers. It
has failed to win official recognition despite repeated applications
for registration. This lack of recognition complicates attempts to
hold public gatherings, which require prior approval from local
government in Kazakstan.

In February, Ukteshbaev and Kurmanov issued a statement saying they
were at risk of abduction by the Kazak security service, or
extradition by the Russian authorities. They said the authorities in
Kazakstan were trying to build a case to prove they were behind the
unrest in the western town of Janaozen in December that followed
months of protests by sacked oil workers. Fourteen people died when
police opened fire on protesters in the town.

Ukteshbaev began by describing how industrial relations were a highly
politicised matter in the context of Kazakstan.

Esenbek Ukteshbaev: In Kazakstan, some politicians accuse us of
confusing trade union activity with politics. But we believe that it’s
impossible to be involved in the trade union movement and avoid
politics.... Even demanding a pay increase or improved working
conditions touches on politics.

Social protest groups have turned to us. One of the movements that has
sprung up since 2007, when the financial crisis hit Kazakstan, is a
group representing the interests of small-scale investors who put
money into construction firms but were cheated.

The authorities must take the blame, as they issued licences to those
businesses. We also know that there are people who are in power,
government officials, behind companies like this – some are direct
owners, while others use front men. That is why we demanded that the
government get involved and help resolve the conflict.

IWPR: What was the outcome of that campaign?

Ukteshbaev: It took more than one year, but after several years of
protests, appeals and negotiations, we succeeded in forcing the
government to allocate funds... and the problem has been almost

Now the government is proclaimed that it helped them, but we know how
it actually happened. We paid a high price – trials, fines and
detention when we held protest meetings which the authorities refused
to allow.

IWPR: How large is Janartu’s membership?

Ukteshbaev: Our members include local and regional-level trade unions.
For example, in eastern Kazakstan we have Labour Protection, a
regional union led by Ivan Bulgakov. There’s the 3,000-member
independent union of medical professionals in Saryagash, southern
Kazakstan; some of the workers building the highway linking Europe and
western China, and the regional trade union in Aktau which is also
part of our organisation.… Additionally, there are unions that are
currently part of the [official] Federation of Trade Unions but are
waiting for Janartu to get registration so that they can join us.

IWPR: Kazakstan has various groups that criticise the authorities over
the social, political and economic situation. There are the opposition
Alga and OSDP-Azat parties, and also civil society and rights groups
that call for democratic rights. You represent the independent trade
unions. But there is little close cooperation among these different

Ukteshbaev: We have repeatedly urged all political parties, including
OSDP-Azat and Alga, to join forces to tackle social problems. We have
often criticised them for showing signs of life only during election
periods. We don’t see much desire [to get involved] on their part.

Maybe they don’t want conflict with the authorities. Engagement means
you get drawn into conflict with the authorities whether you want to
or not. We asked OSDP-Azat to show support for the small investors,
but they weren’t enthusiastic.

IWPR: Yet opposition activists did express support for the oil
workers. They took part in the campaigns for an independent inquiry
into Janaozen, and for fair trials. Alga party leader Vladimir Kozlov
is in detention awaiting trial.

Ukteshbaev: As political parties, they just couldn’t stand aside and
do nothing. There had been accusations that the opposition didn’t lend
its support when those things happening. So then they did help, and
the involvement of [OSDP-Azat co-chairman Bulat] Abilov did lift the
workers’ spirits.

IWPR: A survey by the Kazakstan Institute for Political Solutions
shows that May 2012 saw a record number of localised industrial
protests, including the Kazakhmys miners, the ArcelorMittal Temirtau
steelworkers, the trans-Kazakstan highway workers, staff at
Kazakhaltyn, market traders in Almaty, and employees of a metals plant
in Taraz region. Some people might therefore conclude that it’s
possible to negotiate without resorting to street protests, aligning
oneself with political groups, or mounting campaigns to get one’s
voice heard.

Ukteshbaev: In our country, you won’t achieve anything without making
a robust protest. The authorities only understand things in the face
of pressure; they won’t listen to demands or appeals otherwise

We’ve been through that ourselves. For example, at my workplace
[railway carriage repair factory in Almaty] we initially tried to
pursue the legal route, writing to the prosecutor’s office whose job
it was to deal with wrongdoing. The workers were in a tough position
because their wages were being delayed.

No one was interested. But once we went on strike, all the problems
were resolved. It was consolidated action that made changes happen and
produced a positive outcome for us. Robust protest doesn’t mean taking
to the streets and destroying things.

IWPR: Industrial disputes often involve private companies, and
government officials say they don’t have powers to intervene. Don’t
they have a point?

Ukteshbaev: I’m not saying the authorities are to blame for
everything. But these companies are operating in Kazakstan, so the
government should get involved because the issues affect its citizens.

It can be done within a legal framework, for example a tripartite
commission set up to deal with an industrial dispute. That is in fact
what we tried to arrange to reconcile the parties to the dispute in
western Kazakstan – representing government, the company and the oil
workers. But company officials and the security services undermined
the commission’s work. There were attacks on [labour] activists… and
attempts to pressure people or buy them off.

IWPR: What form did this pressure take?

Ukteshbaev: Some labour activists were prosecuted for illegally
holding trade union meetings, even though no one can bar people from
doing so. Recruiting new members was also turned into a breach of the
law, although it’s every trade union’s right to do this.

IWPR: Some analysts argue that Kazakstan’s vast size, the disconnect
between different parts of the country, and the official clampdown on
dissent all make it difficult to build a national mood for protest,
and that even the tragic events in Janaozen failed to achieve this.
How would you respond to that?

Ukteshbaev: I think Janaozen did make an impact. Since it happened,
sizeable parts of the population have changed their view of the
government. Their faith in the authorities is dwindling.

IWPR: What about the risk that the Kazak authorities will try to bring
you and Kurmanov back to the country? Has that diminished since you
issued your statement in February?

Ukteshbaev: Yes, it has, because it led to an outcry. The European
Parliament made a statement, as did the British trade unions. Members
of the Duma [lower house of Russian parliament] then intervened, and
sent a formal request to the Russian prosecutor general and interior
ministry on the matter. I believe that stopped them.

Saule Mukhametrakhimova is IWPR Central Asia Editor in London.

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