I agree with what follows.  There is out there a hard core of hate 
religionists who set the cultural atmosphere in their communities.  But 
my observation would be that the majority of those who followed along 
are not committed to this hate regime.  It is to the true majority of 
those who will now be hurting and threatened by the cuts in services and 
abuses by corporate interests to whom Democrats must now open doors and 
make their appeal from here on.  Ed Kent

Why They Won

By THOMAS FRANK

New York Times
November 5, 2004 OP-ED CONTRIBUTOR
<http://www.nytimes.com/2004/11/05/opinion/05frank.html>
Washington

The first thing Democrats must try to grasp as they
cast their eyes over the smoking ruins of the election
is the continuing power of the culture wars. Thirty-six
years ago, President Richard Nixon championed a noble
"silent majority" while his vice president, Spiro
Agnew, accused liberals of twisting the news. In nearly
every election since, liberalism has been vilified as a
flag-burning, treason-coddling, upper-class
affectation. This year voters claimed to rank "values"
as a more important issue than the economy and even the
war in Iraq.

And yet, Democrats still have no coherent framework for
confronting this chronic complaint, much less
understanding it. Instead, they "triangulate," they
accommodate, they declare themselves converts to the
Republican religion of the market, they sign off on
Nafta and welfare reform, they try to be more hawkish
than the Republican militarists. And they lose. And
they lose again. Meanwhile, out in Red America, the
right-wing populist revolt continues apace, its fury at
the "liberal elite" undiminished by the Democrats'
conciliatory gestures or the passage of time.

Like many such movements, this long-running
conservative revolt is rife with contradictions. It is
an uprising of the common people whose long-term
economic effect has been to shower riches upon the
already wealthy and degrade the lives of the very
people who are rising up. It is a reaction against mass
culture that refuses to call into question the basic
institutions of corporate America that make mass
culture what it is. It is a revolution that plans to
overthrow the aristocrats by cutting their taxes.

Still, the power of the conservative rebellion is
undeniable. It presents a way of talking about life in
which we are all victims of a haughty overclass -
"liberals" - that makes our movies, publishes our
newspapers, teaches our children, and hands down
judgments from the bench. These liberals generally tell
us how to go about our lives, without any consideration
for our values or traditions.

The culture wars, in other words, are a way of framing
the ever-powerful subject of social class. They are a
way for Republicans to speak on behalf of the forgotten
man without causing any problems for their core big-
business constituency.

Against this militant, aggrieved, full-throated
philosophy the Democrats chose to go with ... what?
Their usual soft centrism, creating space for this
constituency and that, taking care to antagonize no
one, declining even to criticize the president, really,
at their convention. And despite huge get-out-the-vote
efforts and an enormous treasury, Democrats lost the
battle of voter motivation before it started.

Worse: While conservatives were sharpening their sense
of class victimization, Democrats had all but abandoned
the field. For some time, the centrist Democratic
establishment in Washington has been enamored of the
notion that, since the industrial age is ending, the
party must forget about blue-collar workers and their
issues and embrace the "professional" class. During the
2004 campaign these new, business-friendly Democrats
received high-profile assistance from idealistic
tycoons and openly embraced trendy management theory.
They imagined themselves the "metro" party of cool
billionaires engaged in some kind of cosmic combat with
the square billionaires of the "retro" Republican
Party.

Yet this would have been a perfect year to give the
Republicans a Trumanesque spanking for the many
corporate scandals that they have countenanced and, in
some ways, enabled. Taking such a stand would also have
provided Democrats with a way to address and maybe even
defeat the angry populism that informs the "values"
issues while simultaneously mobilizing their base.

To short-circuit the Republican appeals to blue-collar
constituents, Democrats must confront the cultural
populism of the wedge issues with genuine economic
populism. They must dust off their own majoritarian
militancy instead of suppressing it; sharpen the
distinctions between the parties instead of minimizing
them; emphasize the contradictions of culture-war
populism instead of ignoring them; and speak
forthrightly about who gains and who loses from
conservative economic policy.

What is more likely, of course, is that Democratic
officialdom will simply see this week's disaster as a
reason to redouble their efforts to move to the right.
They will give in on, say, Social Security
privatization or income tax "reform" and will continue
to dream their happy dreams about becoming the party of
the enlightened corporate class. And they will be
surprised all over again two or four years from now
when the conservative populists of the Red America,
poorer and angrier than ever, deal the "party of the
people" yet another stunning blow.

Thomas Frank is the author, most recently, of "What's
the Matter with Kansas? How Conservatives Won the Heart
of America."

Copyright 2004 The New York Times Company
-- 
"A war is just if there is no alternative, and the resort
to arms is legitimate if they represent your last hope." (Livy)
--
Ed Kent  718-951-5324 (voice mail only) [blind copies]
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/CollegeConversation
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/PeaceEfforts
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/EndingPoverty
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/440neighborhood
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/StudentConcerns




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