New York Sun
May 21, 2004
Editorial
How To Lose the Peace, II

"How To Lose The Peace" was the headline of our May 23, 2003, editorial
reporting on a raid by heavily armed American soldiers on the headquarters
of the Iraqi National Congress in Baghdad. When our Adam Daifallah tried to
explain to the American GIs that the people they were handcuffing were
pro-American, one soldier remarked, "Well, they won't be pro-American
anymore, I guess." That editorial, calling the raid "unbelievably
boneheaded," concluded, "The sooner America ceases to be an occupier in Iraq
and starts to be a support for the new Iraqi government, the less likely it
is that there will be another disaster like last night's raid on the most
pro-American faction in the country."

That editorial made its way to the Pentagon and resulted in an official
apology to the leader of the Iraqi National Congress, Ahmad Chalabi, from
General Sanchez. Now, almost a year later, we're back to square one.
Yesterday, Mr. Chalabi's house and Iraqi National Congress offices were
raided by a team that included American personnel. They shot a bullet into
the forehead of a photo of Mr. Chalabi, and they seized his personal Koran.
A spokesman for the American occupying authority, Dan Senor, said yesterday,
"to my knowledge, Mr. Chalabi is not actually being pursued for anything.
And I don't think the INC is, either." Mr. Senor referred questions about
the raid to "the Iraqi police." He said, "My understanding is they are the
ones who seized any documents. It was an Iraqi-led investigation, it was an
Iraqi-led raid."

Mr. Chalabi's spokesman, Entifadh Qanbar, however, told our Eli Lake that
the raid included CIA and FBI personnel. Also visited by American
authorities yesterday was the home in Iraq of a professor at Brandeis
University, Kanan Makiya, who works closely with the Iraqi National
Congress. If Mr. Senor is correct that Mr. Chalabi "is not actually being
pursued for anything," then America owes him an apology for taking his Koran
and shooting his photograph in the head. Blaming this on the "Iraqi police"
is ridiculous when responsibility for the security situation, as for so much
else in postwar Iraq, still rests with the American regent, L. Paul Bremer.
If the spokesman for the occupation authority is incorrect--that is, if Mr.
Chalabi is, in fact, the target of this investigation--then the Bush
administration owes the American public a look at the charges and Mr.
Chalabi the chance to defend himself in a venue with due process (his home
was raided without a warrant from anyone).

This is a situation in which a lot more people than Mr. Chalabi himself
deserve an explanation from the Bush administration as to what, if anything,
it has on him. If it involves Iran, the administration will have to explain
why Mr. Chalabi's dealings with Iran are worse than their own negotiations
in Geneva or worse than those of other Iraqi factions with which America
regularly does business. At some point the administration will have to
permit Mr. Chalabi to confront his accuser. The last time Mr. Chalabi was
accused of malfeasance was in Jordan in 1992, following the Gulf War, in
which Mr. Chalabi had sided with America and the Jordanian regime with
Saddam. The only time those charges, which involved Petra Bank, were brought
before a legitimate Western court, which happened in Hong Kong in 1993, the
Jordanian takeover of the bank was found to be illegal.

There's a tendency by those new to the Iraq story to forget that Messrs.
Chalabi and Makiya risked their lives for many years while opposing the
regime of Saddam Hussein. Mr. Makiya documented Saddam's crimes in 1989 in a
landmark book, "Republic of Fear," and he watched on television with Mr.
Bush at the White House as Saddam's statue was toppled in Baghdad.
Mr. Chalabi spent years in the wilderness building support for the
liberation of his country. In March of 1995, Mr. Chalabi led an attack on
Saddam's forces in Northern Iraq. In April 1996, he met with Ambassador
Albright at the United Nations, hoping that President Clinton's envoy at
Turtle Bay would back the campaign to free Iraq and prevent Saddam from
using profits from the oil-for-food agreement to strengthen his
dictatorship. His testimony on Capitol Hill was crucial to securing the
passage of the Iraq Liberation Act of 1998.

It is a hopeful sign that America is committed to ending the occupation of
Iraq on June 30. In doing so it has adopted a policy goal that Mr. Chalabi
has stood by through thick and thin. The sooner America gets out, the less
likely is another disaster like yesterday's raid.



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