Future of Indian past
Romila Thapar
Hindustan Times
March 1, 2004

http://www.hindustantimes.com/news/181_592667,00120001.htm

In recent times, there has been a substantial controversy over the
interpretation of Indian history. There is a confrontation between
historians who have been writing on various aspects of Indian history over
the last half century and others who are supportive of a different history
which validates the ideology of religious nationalism. The latter is being
propagated and patronised by the current government at the Centre.

The controversy began over the attempt to discredit the existing history
textbooks for schools, published by the NCERT. It was argued by the
government that the books contained statements that had been objected to by
various religious organisations. For example, reference to the eating of
beef in ancient
India or the origins of caste in Indian society was said to
be inappropriate. It was then decided that all such passages would be
deleted and no discussion on these passages would be allowed in schools.
Historians as well as members of the public protested about this, but no
attention was paid to the protest. In 2003, the existing textbooks were
replaced by new ones approved of by the government. These procedures had not
been processed through the committees that normally process educational
procedures and changes, since these committees were not called to meet and
discuss the changes.

An attempt was also made to introduce a uniform history syllabus at the
level of undergraduate and graduate education. The suggested syllabus was so
substandard that it has been unacceptable in the better departments of
history. Attempts have also been made to virtually ban two major
publications of documents from the National Archives, pertaining to the
period just prior to 1947. An atmosphere has been created where books on
history, if disapproved by government, can be banned.

The question that needs to be asked is why there is a fear of independent
history writing. One reason for this is that the interpretation of the past
has to now conform to the concepts of religious nationalism and the identity
that it creates, and which identity is being sought by sections of the
middle-class supporting this ideology. The new middle-class emerging from
diverse groups is searching for a bonding. This is also linked in part to
the insecurity and competition emerging from globalisation. Added to this is
what is perceived as a threat from underprivileged sections of society
demanding their legitimate rights. The ideological support of the bonding
comes from the ideology of Hindutva and focuses on origins and identities.
Hindutva gives a definition to these that draws on history and requires
changing history in order to legitimise religious nationalism.

Both Hindu and Muslim religious nationalisms emerged in the early 20th
century and became a counterpart to anti-colonial nationalism. Where the
latter was inclusive and tried to bring together the segments of Indian
society, the former divided Indian society into a supposedly
irreconcilable dichotomy - Hindu and Muslim, and the one excluded the other.
Pre-modern Indian history written from the perspective of anti-colonial
nationalism and from religious nationalism overlapped at some points, but in
the major part it differed. For anti-colonial nationalism the confrontation
was with the colonial power. For the religious nationalisms, the
confrontation was with the other religious community and the colonial power
received pledges of support from them. As far as historical interpretation
was concerned both religious nationalisms - Hindu and Muslim - were rooted
in the perspective of colonial interpretations of Indian history.

The two themes that are central to the current rewriting of history in
India
focus on origins and identity, since these were crucial to the definition of
the Hindu according to the ideology of Hindutva. On the question of origins
there is an attempt to link all Hindus to the Aryans of antiquity. It is
argued that the Aryans were the earliest inhabitants of
India. Therefore,
there is an insistence on stating that the civilisation of the Harappan
cities was authored by the Aryans.

What is still widely known as the
Indus civilisation is now given the name
Saraswati civilisation, and this evokes an Aryan connection. Furthermore, it
is argued that the Aryans were indigenous to
India. This provides a lineal
descent of 5,000 years to Hindus in the subcontinent. Sanskrit is projected
not only as unique but ancestral to all Indo-European languages; thus Aryan
culture went out from
India. Other historians have argued that such theories
are unsupported by the evidence from archaeology and linguistics, nor by the
history of caste or the history of Hinduism; neither can the
agro-pastoralism of the Rigveda be equated with the sophisticated urbanism
of the
Indus cities.

The second theme relates to identity and here again the attempt is to give
primacy to the Hindu identity. This focuses on the question of who is
indigenous and who is foreign. The definition of the Hindu as the indigenous
category goes back to the founding ideologue of Hindutva, V.D. Savarkar. He
argued that the claim to being indigenous must be based on a person locating
his pitribhumi (land of his ancestors) and his punyabhumi (land of his
religion) within the boundary of
British India. The latter disqualifies
Muslims and Christians, who were therefore declared foreign. Communists were
later added to the list!

A further disqualification was the assertion that they had no common culture
with the Hindus. To emphasise this, race and language were added as
qualifications, even if race was by now a spurious category. Having stated
that the Muslims of India are all foreigners, the interpretation of the
history of medieval
India - the 2nd millennium AD - became the history of
foreign rule, with Hindus being oppressed by the Muslims. The history of
this period is seen in terms of Muslim conquest and Hindu resistance. To
this is added the theory that Muslim rule led to the decline of Hinduism,
overlooking the fact that the Hinduism that is practised today has evolved
largely from this period.

This history is now projected as new and indigenous and it is maintained
that unlike the earlier history it is entirely uninfluenced by western
ideas. In fact, the theories of origins and identities that are now
propounded are derived from 19th century European thinking and from colonial
authors. The uniqueness of Sanskrit goes back to Schlegel at the start of
the 19th century and to the debate on Indo-European languages among the
Orientalists and in German Romantism. The theory of the Aryans being
indigenous was first advanced by the Theosophists in the late 19th century
and some socio-religious reformers.

After much debate, it was given up half a century later. The Aryan
foundations of Indian history were expounded at the same time by Max
Mueller, although he argued that they came from outside
India. Aryan origins
played a dominant and devastating role in European theories of the genesis
of peoples and cultures. These ideas were incorporated into the wider
ideology of Hindutva.

************************

(The writer is Emeritus Professor of History at
Jawaharlal Nehru University.
This is an edited extract of the D.T. Lakdawala Memorial Lecture,  organised
by the
Institute of Social Sciences, delivered on February 21)




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