Re: [EM] Proportional election method needed for the Czech Green party - Council elections

2010-05-04 Thread Peter Zbornik
On Mon, May 3, 2010 at 10:16 PM, Kristofer Munsterhjelm 
km-el...@broadpark.no wrote:

 Peter Zbornik wrote:

 Dear all,
  I am sending a post scriptum to the email below.
  1. The conservative method is only interesting if, the unambiguously
 pre-elected president and vice president(s) are not in the set of
 proportionally (for instance STV) elected council members.
 2. If the unambiguously elected president and vice president(s) is in the
 set of proportionally (for instance STV) elected council members, then I
 guess the conservative method would include the optimal method as a
 special case (the optimal method was where the president and vice presidents
 are elected from the proportionally elected council members).
 3. The number of pre-elected vice presidents in point 1 above can be zero.
 The president is always unambiguously pre-elected.
  4. For completeness, I would like to add one additional requirement,
 which I think can be resolved after the seletion of a good voting procedure.
 Requirement: The selected council must contain at least X members of each
 sex (gender-equality rule). X is specified before each election.
 This gender rule is used in our organization today.


 A simple way of doing this, if the council size (after president and VPs
 have been elected) is even, is to have two elections, each of a council size
 equal to half the assembly. Then, for the first, only elect women, and for
 the second, only elect men. Use the same ballots, but remove candidates of
 the sex you don't want.

I am affraid that this is not possible. First we have mostly odd-numbered
council sizes, and secondly the gender rule does not require that half of
the men should be men and the other half women.
Our current gender rule goes as following: for every three members of the
body, there has to be one person of each sex. A five member council thus
has to have one woman and one man. For seven members it is two men and two
women.


 Methods like Schulze STV work by comparing possible councils to determine
 which are best. Thus, it may be possible to limit them to only consider
 balanced councils. I'm not sure how to do this in ordinary STV, however,
 since it doesn't work that way, and in any case, this would be untested.


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Re: [EM] VoteFair representation ranking recommended for Czech Green Party

2010-05-04 Thread 'Richard Fobes'
Markus Schulze wrote:

 Richard Fobes wrote (2 May 2010):
 
 Once again Markus Schulze is trying to discredit
 the Condorcet-Kemeny method.
 
 If I really wanted to discredit this method, then
 I would mention ...

Thank you for giving me the opportunity to put these issues
into perspective.


 ... that this method violates independence of clones.

A violation of the independence-of-clones criteria would
require both of these conditions to occur in the same
election:

* There is circular ambiguity, which means there is no
Condorcet winner.

* Two (or more) of the candidates are recognizable as clones
of one another.

Each of these is uncommon (but not rare), but to have both
in the same election would be rare.

Yes, the Condorcet-Kemeny method fails to meet the
independence-of-clones criteria, whereas the
Condorcet-Schulze method meets this criteria.  This is a
small difference.

For perspective, most of the currently recognized fairness
criteria apply to both the Condorcet-Kemeny and
Condorcet-Schulze methods.  In other words, they meet and
fail most of the same criteria.


 ... that this method has a prohibitive runtime so
 that it is illusory that VoteFair representation
 ranking could ever be used e.g. to fill 7 seats
 out of 30 candidates.

The computer-calculation runtime for getting
Condorcet-Kemeny results is long (factorial according to the
number of candidates) if (!) all the Kemeny scores are
calculated.  However, not all the scores need to be
calculated just to find the sequence with the largest Kemeny
score.

The wording we agreed on in Wikipedia, with the involvement
of a neutral election-method expert, is that calculating the
results for 40 candidates only takes a few seconds if
well-known mathematical techniques are used.  That's not a
prohibitive runtime.

My VoteFair ranking software calculates the results even
faster, using an algorithm that I have not yet revealed.
I'm still looking for a forum in which to share the
algorithm.  (Unlike you, I do not have academic connections
that make it easy to publish papers in academic
publications.)

Yes, it takes the VoteFair ranking software a few seconds
longer to calculate Condorcet-Kemeny results compared to
software that calculates Condorcet-Schulze results.  But
even if the calculation time were a few minutes (for a
particularly convoluted case), such a wait is not a
deterrent for use in real elections.

When the number of candidates reaches 30, the bigger
challenge is for voters to meaningfully rank that many
choices.  That's why I recommend using approval (yes/no)
voting to narrow the candidates to a reasonable number for
ranking.

The Condorcet-Schulze method has this same issue of a ballot
with 30 candidates being difficult to meaningfully rank.


 ... that, although this method has been proposed
 more than 30 years ago, it has never been used by
 a larger organization.

The Condorcet-Kemeny method is impractical to calculate
without a computer, and the Kemeny method was proposed
before computers became widely available, so it's lack of
use prior to a decade ago is not significant.

The Condorcet-Schulze method was the first (of these two
methods) to be implemented in software, and the Condorcet
criteria is so important that it is natural for early
adopters to choose what's available.  But the first
Condorcet method to be adopted in this new digital era is
not necessarily the best.

The benefits of the Kemeny method -- including the fact that
it is a Condorcet method -- are becoming known only slowly.

The popularity of your Condorcet-Schulze method reflects
the popularity of Condorcet methods, not necessarily the
popularity of the Schulze-versus-Kemeny choice.  Most of the
people and organizations that use the Condorcet-Schulze
method would not notice any difference in the results if the
Condorcet-Kemeny method were used instead. 

Surely you have noticed that I have not made changes to
your Schulze method page in Wikipedia, whereas you have
repeatedly attempted to remove every mention of the word
VoteFair from the Kemeny-Young method page, and to
remove the link that reveals that there is a place where
Condorcet-Kemeny calculations are available (for free).  If
I were more aggressive about promoting the Condorcet-Kemeny
method, or if you were less active about trying to suppress
it, it would be more popular.

It takes time for wise people to make wise decisions.  And
fairness is very important to me.  I'll continue to be
patient as I wait for more people to recognize the
advantages of the Condorcet-Kemeny method (which is a topic
I'll explain in another post, in reply to a fan of your
method).

By the way, I don't keep track of all the groups that use
VoteFair ranking.  They find out about it online somewhere,
they use it to elect their organization's officers, and I
never hear about it.  Occasionally I peek at the file
contents to see how my free VoteFair ranking service is
being used, make sure it's not being abused, verify there is

Re: [EM] VoteFair representation ranking recommended for Czech Green Party

2010-05-04 Thread Markus Schulze
Dear Richard Fobes,

you wrote (4 May 2010):

 The book does not refer to the independence
 of irrelevant alternatives criteria, so
 where did you get the idea that it claims
 to satisfy that criteria?

For example, on page 256 you claim: When VoteFair
ranking is used, adding or withdrawing non-winning
candidates cannot increase or decrease the chances
of a particular candidate winning.

Markus Schulze



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Re: [EM] Proportional election method needed for the Czech Green party - Council elections

2010-05-04 Thread Juho
This is a good approach in the category of simple (only one method  
used) proportional ranking based methods.


Use of proportional ranking reduces the proportionality of the council  
and the set of n presidents a bit but not much.


The election of the president can be seen to happen before the  
election of the council.


Same ballots are used for all elections. = Good for simplicity. Some  
small restrictions if the election criteria for P are different from  
the criteria of VPs and those of the council members.


The last vice president positions are probably not needed. Their order  
will probably become public but should maybe not be emphasized.


Markus Schulze of course recommends a Schulze method based approach  
but also any other good Condorcet method could be used as the basis.  
The Schulze family of methods has the benefit that it is quite well  
documented and the basic single winner Schulze method is also already  
used in some organizations. Probably Markus Schulze will also provide  
assistance in the promotion of the methods and related software. All  
these variants are however very similar so the argumentation and  
software is pretty similar in all cases.


I support this approach as one proposal in the category of simple  
proportional ranking based methods. No need to limit to the Schulze  
method based approach only but to allow also other base methods to be  
used (e.g. Ranked Pairs, minmax(margins)). Also other categories or  
maybe variants of this one should/could be discussed and proposed as  
alternative approaches.


Juho



On May 4, 2010, at 3:42 PM, Markus Schulze wrote:


Dear Peter Zbornik,

this is my proposal:

--Use the Schulze proportional ranking method.

--The top-ranked candidate becomes the president.

--The second-ranked candidate becomes the vice president.

--If the first two candidates happen to be male, then,
 when you calculate the third-ranked candidate, restrict
 your considerations to female candidates.

 If the first two candidates happen to be female, then,
 when you calculate the third-ranked candidate, restrict
 your considerations to male candidates.

 The third-ranked candidate becomes the 2nd vice president.

--The fourth-ranked candidate becomes the 3rd vice president.

--The fifth-ranked candidate becomes the 4th vice president.

--If 4 of the already elected candidates happen to be male,
 then, when you calculate the sixth-ranked candidate, restrict
 your considerations to female candidates.

 If 4 of the already elected candidates happen to be female,
 then, when you calculate the sixth-ranked candidate, restrict
 your considerations to male candidates.

 The sixth-ranked candidate becomes the 5th vice president.

--The seventh-ranked candidate becomes the 6th vice president.

Markus Schulze



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Re: [EM] Proportional election method needed for the Czech Green party - Council elections

2010-05-04 Thread Andrew Myers
If you are looking for a proportional Condorcet method, I will also 
recommend the proportional election method that I developed. It is not 
STV-like, but it achieves proportionality when there are blocs of 
voters. It has the added advantage that it is already built into a 
running Internet voting system, CIVS. This algorithm has been used for 
many online polls and has been a success. The code of CIVS is publicly 
available. For more information about the method, see:


http://www.cs.cornell.edu/w8/~andru/civs/proportional.html

By the way, CIVS has recently acquired support for internationalization. 
It would be easy to construct a Czech instance if someone were willing 
to translate approximately 250 sentences from English to Czech. There 
is, for example, a Hungarian version (see 
http://www.cs.cornell.edu/w8/~andru/civs-test/index.html.hu, translated 
by Árpád Magosányi). I am in the market for help translating to other 
languages.


Cheers,

-- Andrew

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Re: [EM] Proportional election method needed for the Czech Green party - Council elections

2010-05-04 Thread Raph Frank
On Tue, May 4, 2010 at 8:12 AM, Peter Zbornik pzbor...@gmail.com wrote:
 I am affraid that this is not possible. First we have mostly odd-numbered
 council sizes, and secondly the gender rule does not require that half of
 the men should be men and the other half women.
 Our current gender rule goes as following: for every three members of the
 body, there has to be one person of each sex. A five member council thus
 has to have one woman and one man. For seven members it is two men and two
 women.

For elimination based PR-STV, I think my suggestion would be the most
reasonable.

- Set the threshold at one larger than the required number
- protect from elimination members of a gender if elimination would
reduce their number below the threshold
- prohibit from election members of a gender if that election would
leave less than a threshold for the other gender
- on the last round, remove remove the restrictions

In a 5 person council, that means that there must be at least 1 man and 1 woman.

If the candidates were

Men:
M1
M2
M3
M4
M5

and

Women
W1
W2
W3

then an election might go something like

Round 1

M1: 20
M2: 15
M3: 15
M4: 10
M5: 10
W1: 10
W2: 8
W3: 12

Total: 100
Quota: 17

M1 gets elected + 3 are distributed

Round 2
M1: 17*
M2: 16 (+1)
M3: 15
M4: 10
M5: 11 (+1)
W1: 11 (+1)
W2: 8
W3: 12

W2 is lowest, so is eliminated, +8 are distributed

Round 3
M1: 17*
M2: 16
M3: 15
M4: 13 (+3)
M5: 14 (+3)
W1: 13 (+2)
W2: 0
W3: 12

W3 is lowest.

However, eliminating W3 would reduce the number of women below 2, so
the lowest man is eliminated.

M4 is eliminated + 13 are distributed

Round 4
M1: 17*
M2: 17 (+1)
M3: 17 (+2)
M4: 0
M5: 16 (+2)
W1: 17 (+4)
W2: 0
W3: 16 (+4)

M2, M3 and W1 all meet the quota, so all are elected, but no surplus
is distributed.

Round 5
M1: 17*
M2: 17*
M3: 17*
M4: 0
M5: 16
W1: 17*
W2: 0
W3: 16

If this had been a previous round, W3 would be protected from
elimination, as there are only 2 women left.

However, since this is the last round, (only 1 seat left to fill and 2
candidates for the seat), the restriction is lifted.

Both W3 and M5 have 16 votes, so a tie break rule (say coin toss),
would decide which one is eliminated.

If M5 is eliminated, then the results are:

M1+M2+M3+W1+W3

if W3 is eliminated, then the results are

M1+M2+M3+M5+W1

In both cases, the requirement for at least 1 man and 1 woman is met.

 Methods like Schulze STV work by comparing possible councils to determine
 which are best. Thus, it may be possible to limit them to only consider
 balanced councils. I'm not sure how to do this in ordinary STV, however,
 since it doesn't work that way, and in any case, this would be untested.

Yes, you can.  The software would just need to be updated.

A council with 5 men and 0 women would be considered to lose to a
council of 4 men and 1 woman.

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[EM] WMA (It's not monotonic or participation compliant, after all)

2010-05-04 Thread fsimmons
Kevin,

I'm sure that you are right, but it makes me think that the only reason ordinary
Approval complies with Monotonicity is that the information from polls is not an
official part of the election:  showing (true or alleged) support for a
candidate in the polls can change her from a winner to a loser in the actual
election.

For me there are two reasons for using some kind of DSV: (1) to relieve voters
from the burden of converting their sincere rankings or ratings into strategic
ballots, and (2) incorporating the information necessary for good strategy into
the official method, instead of relying on the unofficial polls that have so
much potential for corruption.

From this point of view Conditional Approval, WMA, DYN, and Rob LeGrand's
sequential DSV based on Approval strategy A are all better than ordinary
Approval based on disinformation from the unofficial polls.

Here's a way (in the context of WMA) to lower the probability of inadvertently
changing the winner when increasing her ballot support: instead of using full
random ballot probabilities select a small subset of the ballots at random, and
use the first place proportions from that subset in place of the full random
ballot probabilities.  For example in an election with a million voters, take a
random sample of an hundred ballots to approximate the percentage of first place
support for each candidate.  Then in the vast majority of cases (99.99 percent
of the time), raising a candidate (even to first place) would not change the
probabilities on which the DSV strategy is based, so we could say the method
would be at least 99.99 percent monotonic.

Even if we only used a sample size of ten random ballots, I think that the
method would be better than ordinary Range or Approval based on informal
disinformation.  It would be well worth the tiny sacrifice in monotonicity.

Here's a related thought.  Although Rob LeGrand's sequential approval DSV method
(based on strategy A) fails Participation, if we take the following formulation
of Participation too literally, his sequential method satisfies it to the max:

If one more ballot B is counted after the election winner W has already been
determined, the winner can only change to somebody ranked higher than W on that
new ballot B.

In fact, since Rob's sequential method puts the approval cutoff adjacent to the
current winner, the only candidates that can possibly benefit more than W from
the new ballot B are the ones ranked strictly ahead of W on B.

[Here we assumed that Rob takes the ballots in the sequence that they are
submitted, etc., which is not really true, so the method doesn't really satisfy
Participation.]


 Hi Forest,

 --- En date de?: Lun 3.5.10, fsimm...@pcc.edu
 a ?crit?:
  De: fsimm...@pcc.edu
  Objet: [EM] WMA (It's not monotonic or participation
 compliant, after all)
  ?: election-methods@lists.electorama.com
  Date: Lundi 3 mai 2010, 18h06
  Kevin and Chris,
 
  You?re both right, my ?proof? only showed that
  raising the winner W could not hurt her prospects on
  ballots where she was already approved or on ballots where
  she was rated at the highest currently
  unapproved level.? But , as Kevin pointed out, if
  there were candidates at two or more levels above W,
  and not all of these levels were above the current cutoff,
  the cut off could lower without lowering all of the
  way down to W.
 
  Back to the drawing board.? I?m starting to think
  that it may be impossible to have any kind of
  monotonic, non-trivial DSV method for automatically
  choosing approval cutoffs.

 I definitely think it is impossible. If you let voters choose their
 cutoff based on X, it's impossible to guarantee anything about
 how you
 are using X. And X is probably affected by raising candidates.

 I think you will have to greatly constrain how much freedom
 the voters
 have to place the cutoff. It will have to be based on as little
 information as possible.

 For instance you can view the situation in Bucklin as that
 voters lower
 their threshold continually until the method ends. If you raise
 a winner
 the method may just end sooner, but with the same outcome.
 Though for
 a DSV method this leaves voters relatively quite blind. They can't
 react to threats, they just gradually become impatient and
 start to
 compromise.

 I like my old (non-monotonic) Conditional Approval method
 where (if
 we assume a three-slot ballot) voters repeatedly add in their
 second-slot
 approval whenever the current leader is a disapproved candidate. No
 one can retract second-slot approval once granted. The method
 ends with
 the round where nothing else changes.

 The justification for failing LNHarm feels more tangible than is often
 the case: If we didn't count your lower preference (and those
 like it)
 when we did, the winner would've been somebody that you said you
 didn'tlike.

 Kevin

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Re: [EM] MinMax(AWP)

2010-05-04 Thread Juho

On May 4, 2010, at 6:17 AM, C.Benham wrote:

I think the idea that the CW should always be elected but it is  
sometimes ok to elect
from outside the Smith set is a bit philosophically weird, and not  
easy to sell.


I think electing outside the Smith set is a healthy idea :-). I agree  
that it is not the easiest to sell (if someone first brings the Smith  
set argument in).


If group opinions would be transitive / linear as we expect the  
opinions of individual voters to be, then one could argue that the  
cyclic opinions in the Smith set must be fixed and in the resulting  
transitive order it would not make sense to elect anyone else but the  
first in that order. And that candidate could be only someone from the  
Smith set.


However, opinions of groups are not always transitive but may contain  
sincere cycles. The cycle fixing approach that I described above  
removes all the cycles from the opinions and when doing so it ignores  
and hides the defeats within the Smith set. There are rare cases where  
the defeats of all the members of the Smith set are stronger than the  
defeats of some candidate outside the Smith set. In such cases it  
makes sense to elect that candidate outside the Smith set if the  
intention of the election is to elect a candidate that would have  
lowest opposition against her (as Condorcet methods typically do). No  
good method should have a tendency to elect outside the Smith set, but  
good methods may well be prepared to elect outside the Smith set in  
the rare cases where some of those candidates is considered to be a  
better choice (e.g. with less opposition) than any of the Smith set  
members.


Human beings may visualize the defeat graph as a structure where the  
Smith set can be drawn at the top and other candidates below that set.  
That drawing / imagining technique is based on the hidden assumption  
of linear preference order of the candidates. The Smith set members  
are also generally not clones that could be logically replaced with  
one big bubble (= a new imaginary candidate that would represent all  
the clones). The cyclic relationships within the Smith set are hidden  
or maybe shown as strange / illogical curved or backwards pointing  
arrows. The world of potentially cyclic world of group preferences has  
been distorted. There is no natural two dimensional geometric way to  
express the cyclic preferences. The preference order or values  
describing the level of opposition of each candidate could be  
expressed in a one dimensional space, but one might not draw the Smith  
set members together and in the first positions.


The explanation behind electing always the Condorcet winner but not  
necessarily always from the Smith set is that the Condorcet winner is  
not defeated by anyone but all the the Smith set members are, and they  
may be beaten badly when compared to some candidate outside the Smith  
set.


Juho






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Re: [EM] Proportional election method needed for the Czech Green party - Council elections

2010-05-04 Thread Juho

Some more comments on how the male/female requirements could be handled.

In the description of Markus Schulze (see below) there were two steps  
where the male/female proportionality was handled. That approach works  
if there are separate requirements for the set of three first  
(vice)presidents and the rest of the council members. My understanding  
is that in the Czech Green Party there are no such requirements on the  
presidents. In that situation it may be better to push the forced male/ 
female election to the end of the list. It may be better to allocate  
the resulting problems in the last seats and elect the first seats in  
a more optimal way. It could also be a problem if we for example know  
what the three largest groupings that are likely to get the three  
first seats are. In that situation the idea of forcing the third  
grouping to always be the one that will be forced (if needed) not to  
elect their best candidate doesn't sound fair. Towards the end of the  
list the level of randomness is higher and the groupings that get  
those last seats may be happier to get them and never mind if the  
representative is male or female.


This style of ensuring that appropriate number of male/female  
candidates will be elected is not optimal. It is for example possible  
that the fourth elected representative has an alternative of other sex  
that is about as popular as the elected president. In that case it  
could make sense to elect that alternative and in that way avoid the  
need to do some more violent changes later on the list.


This approach of pushing the forced decisions towards the end of the  
list is however a working although somewhat ad hoc solution. More  
accurate solutions may be much more complex, e.g. ones that compare  
all possible sets of representatives and then pick the one that  
distorts proportionality with respect to voter preferences and sex  
related proportionality as little as possible. What would be a better  
but still simple approach?



If one pushes the forced elections towards the end of the list the  
method could look as follows.


--Use a Condorcet based proportional ranking method.

--The top-ranked candidate becomes the president.

--The second-ranked candidate becomes the first vice president.  
(optional step)


--The third-ranked candidate becomes the second vice president.  
(optional step)


--Also the following n candidates will become members of the council.

--If at some point in the process all the remaining representatives  
must be male or female to make sure that the number of male/female  
candidates will meet the requirements, then restrict the consideration  
to male or female candidates only.



This approach is thus not an optimal way to handle the sex  
requirements but maybe good enough and at least a simple one.


(I note that Raph Frank proposed also an approach where the election  
of the last representative would be free of these sex related  
requirements. That is one way of relieving the proportionality related  
problems since at least the last choice that often distorts  
proportionality the most can be done quite freely. I'm not sure how  
big the improvement would be. There may be also other more  
sophisticated approaches as noted above.)


Juho




On May 4, 2010, at 5:03 PM, Juho wrote:

This is a good approach in the category of simple (only one method  
used) proportional ranking based methods.


Use of proportional ranking reduces the proportionality of the  
council and the set of n presidents a bit but not much.


The election of the president can be seen to happen before the  
election of the council.


Same ballots are used for all elections. = Good for simplicity.  
Some small restrictions if the election criteria for P are different  
from the criteria of VPs and those of the council members.


The last vice president positions are probably not needed. Their  
order will probably become public but should maybe not be emphasized.


Markus Schulze of course recommends a Schulze method based approach  
but also any other good Condorcet method could be used as the basis.  
The Schulze family of methods has the benefit that it is quite well  
documented and the basic single winner Schulze method is also  
already used in some organizations. Probably Markus Schulze will  
also provide assistance in the promotion of the methods and related  
software. All these variants are however very similar so the  
argumentation and software is pretty similar in all cases.


I support this approach as one proposal in the category of simple  
proportional ranking based methods. No need to limit to the Schulze  
method based approach only but to allow also other base methods to  
be used (e.g. Ranked Pairs, minmax(margins)). Also other categories  
or maybe variants of this one should/could be discussed and proposed  
as alternative approaches.


Juho



On May 4, 2010, at 3:42 PM, Markus Schulze wrote:


Dear Peter Zbornik,