[EM] Democracy Chronicles, introductions - Michael Allan

2012-04-25 Thread Michael Allan
Hello Adrian and all,  Here are my particulars:

  * BSc. Biological Sciences. University of Guelph, 1992.
  * Certificate in Computer Programming.  Ryerson Polytechnic
University.  Toronto, 1995.
  * Independent sofware engineer, living in Toronto.
  * Working in collaborative and social media.  Primarily on project
Votorola since 2007, previously on project textbender.
  * Discussed 'the meaning of a vote (or lack thereof)' with Warren
Smith.  My critique of the proposed reforms was elaborated in that
and subsequent discussions, all of which are indexed here:
http://zelea.com/project/autonomy/a/fau/fau.xht#H

Please let me know if you need additional information.  Best to all,
-- 
Michael Allan

Toronto, +1 416-699-9528
http://zelea.com/


Richard Fobes said:
 Adrian Tawfik at Democracy Chronicles requested that I supply him with 
 an introduction to myself for the article that contains my answers to 
 his interview questions.  I'm thinking that everyone else who also 
 answered his interview questions will need to supply an introduction, 
 and I figure that all of us will want to elaborate on the brief comment 
 that appears next to our name on the Declaration.  As long as we are 
 writing introductions that will be published, we might as well also use 
 the opportunity to learn more about each other, and share ideas about 
 what to write.  Plus, if any of us includes a statement that defies the 
 principles of mathematics, such an error can be pointed out prior to 
 publication.
 
 With that in mind, here is my suggestion for an introductory paragraph 
 about me:
 
  begin intro 
 
 Richard Fobes, who has a degree in physics (and whose last name rhymes 
 with robes), became involved with election-method reform when he 
 realized, while writing his book titled The Creative Problem Solver's 
 Toolbox [link], that most of the world's problems can be solved, but 
 the current voting methods used throughout the world are so primitive 
 that citizens are unable to elect the problem-solving leaders they want. 
 That insight motivated him to spend time over the last two decades 
 developing -- including writing open-source software for -- a system of 
 voting methods that he calls VoteFair ranking. The core of the system 
 is VoteFair popularity ranking, which is mathematically equivalent to 
 the Condorcet-Kemeny method, which is one of the methods supported by 
 the Declaration of Election-Method Reform Advocates.
 
 At his VoteFair.org [link] website, Fobes offers a free service of 
 calculating VoteFair ranking results, and a number of organizations have 
 used the service to elect their officers. The only people who have 
 objected to the results have been incumbents who failed to get reelected.
 
 At that site Fobes also hosts an American Idol poll that allows fans of 
 the TV show to rank the show's singers according to who is their 
 favorite, who is their second favorite, and so on down to who they like 
 the least, and the calculations reveal the overall ranking. Based on the 
 results, Fobes writes commentaries that anticipate and explain so-called 
 surprise results in terms of important voting concepts, especially 
 vote splitting, vote concentration, and strategic voting.
 
  end intro 

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[EM] Cubicle-society. Withdrawing Intermediate FBC-2.

2012-04-25 Thread Michael Ossipoff
The difference between Intermediate FBC and Intermediate FBC-2 is about
whether or not it might
be necessary to insincerely uprank some bottom-deserving candidates
from bottom to to 2nd-to-bottom, in order
to maximally help to defeat another one which is left at bottom.

The matter that is relevant to FBC criteria is the the top end
consideration of insincerely downranking one's
favorite from top.So, though Intermediate FBC-2 might distinguish among
some methods,
it doesn't do so in a way that differs importantly from Intermediate FBC.

So I withdraw my suggestion of Intermediate FBC-2 as a possible useful
criterion.

Intermediate FBC is suggested as an awkward attempt to look at difficult
distinctions that were
impliled when FBCs of differing strengths were brought up.

The Weak (ordinary) FBC and Strong FBC are more simply-defined anyway.
Ordinary (Weak) FBC, which
I've been citing for a long time, makes a useful distinction, when it is
shown that most methods, includng
Condorcet, Kemeny, and IRV, fail even that most lenient, easily-passed, FBC.


Approval passes Strong FBC, but I don't claim to know what, if any, other
method(s) pass Strong FBC.
No one has suggested or demonstrated that any method other than Approval
passes Strong FBC.

Cubicle society:

In reply to a posting that just apeared, with its link to a website,, I
suggest that we actually have what amounts very nearly to the
cubicle-society described in that posting's website-reference. People rely
on the mass-media to tell them how other people
feel on issues, and how those other people will vote.

That's why nearly everyone seems to believe it when the media tell us what
the two choices are. Several
authors, including Noam Chomsky, and probably the historian MIchael
Parenti, have pointed out that
each person, believing the media, believes that s/he is alone in her
preferences, positions, beliefs and
social poliicy wishes. Each perfson therefore feels resigned and hopeless.
Plurality's peculiar all-but-one-at-bottom
rule is necessary to protect that misinformation.

Of course open and honest media, reflecting genuine, unfiltered,
unmodified, input from the public, would
tell a very different story.

But when voters are allowed to express approval for more than one
candidate, the election results will show
public preferences very different from those in our big-money-controlled
media. I know, I've already said
that, but it's relevent to the cublcle society described in the website.

But, not only is the information regarding the preferences and wishes of
the other voters distorted by media,
but, additionally, now at least, the count of the actual votes is
unverified, and therefore not legimiate.

Look at the issues of _Harper's_ magazine that appeared soon after the 2004
presidential election. Harpers
described many pieces of evidence that the 2004 election count was
falsified. As you may remember, there
was much similar fraudulent-count evidence described regarding the 2000
election as well.

But here's something that many people seem to miss: Even when it isn't
shown that a count is fraudulent, the
count is still non-legitimate if it isn't vefifiable. A political system's
use of a non-verifiable machine-count
is ridiculous.

Maybe it could be somehow possible for a machine-count to be verifiable.
But, untiil then, a handcount is
necessary. That's another disadvantage of rank-balloting voting
systems--Most of them aren't feasibly
hand-countable.

Mike Ossipoff






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