Re: Weber & the 'Euroslackers'

2003-06-08 Thread Tom Walker
Yes, total rubbish. To add insult to injury, Ferguson mentions "vindication
of Weber" several times. To judge from the article, Ferguson either never
read Weber's book or read it so long ago as an undergrad that he has only
the vague idea that it had something to do with the work ethic and
protestantism.

Weber's concluding quotation from Goethe (I believe it was) is apt:

"Specialists without spirit, sensualists without heart; this nullity
imagines that it has attained a level of civilization never before
achieved."

Ian Murray wrote,

[lord what rot]

[NYTimes]
June 8, 2003
Why America Outpaces Europe (Clue: The God Factor)
By NIALL FERGUSON


Tom Walker
604 255 4812


Asian auto production

2003-06-08 Thread Ian Murray
The Japan Times: June 7, 2003
Chinese competition will hurt Japan car firms: World Bank

SINGAPORE (Kyodo) Japan's automobile industry will shrink in the long run
due to fierce competition from China, the World Bank said in a report
released Thursday.

"Our analysis projects a contraction of automobile production in Japan and
the newly industrializing economies," the World Bank said in its report
"East Asia Integrates."

The 264-page report released by the World Bank's Singapore office says
China's current plan to restructure its auto industry following its 2001
accession to the World Trade Organization is expected to make it a more
efficient assembler of vehicles and eventually an exporter, leading to a
contraction in production in other newly industrializing economies of the
region as well as Japan.

"This prospect could provoke a major reorganization of the industry across
the region," it says.

In addition, the report says China will also make inroads into Japan's
position as a key center of production-sharing operations in East Asia.

It notes that although Japan will maintain its position as a hub,
originating about one-third of all regional exports of components for
assembly, "China is finding niches," with its exports of parts and
components rising by almost $20 billion from 1996 to 2001.

Another sector to be hard hit is the textile and apparel industry. It says
the garment industries in Japan, Taiwan, South Korea and Hong Kong "will
be squeezed," especially in the North America and European Union markets.

The report says the abolition of import quotas on Chinese textiles and
apparel in key markets in 2005 will make China a formidable competitor.

It says the growth of these countries' textile exports to India and
Southeast Asia, including to Vietnam and the Philippines, are also
expected to drop as their garment industries are also hit by competition
from China in third markets.

However, the report also says that a major impact of China's entry into
the WTO is that China will become a more attractive location for Japanese
investments, mainly because "some of the concerns about China's weak legal
and administrative environment for foreign investment are likely to be
addressed in line with WTO accession."

It says that overall, the industrialized and newly industrialized
economies in East Asia will benefit from China's accession to the WTO.

The report does not take into account the expected impact of the SARS
epidemic.

"We are currently viewing SARS as a temporary shock whose impact has been
more on the demand side and therefore affected service, tourism, retail,"
said Homi Kharas, the World Bank's chief economist. "But it's much too
early to think whether SARS has affected supply-side and investment
decisions.

"Right now, that impact would be quite small compared with the demand-side
impact."


Re: Fwd: Waiting for Godot

2003-06-08 Thread Sabri Oncu
>From Michael's response I will single out two sentences:

> I think that Sabri's note suggests that we don't have
> a great difference among us.

Yes. This is what I think. In details maybe you differ but, in my
opnion, it is not the details but the "totality" what matters.
This is why I call myself an anarcho-Leninist with a touch of
Yunus Emre, the sufi humanist, or, the anarcho-sufi as I once
introduced him to this list. Now, some anarchist and some
Leninist friends will get angry with me because I said this but
what the heck. I even respect many reformists and even had been
accused by many of my "revolutionary" friends of being a social
democrat. What is most bothersome to me is that I am none of
these.

> At the same time, Clinton clearly demonstrated the hollowness
> of the minimalist strategy, significantly helping to move the
> center of gravity to the right.

For reasons similar to the one above and more, at this point I
have no hope from the Democrats in the US. Maybe you American
progressives, whatever this means, should look beyond the
existing two party system and try to build a party which is not
only an alternative to the Republicans and the Democrats to but
also to the existing Greens.

Clearly, such a party should neither be Leninist nor
Zapatistaist.

It is up to you, of course, to decide what kind of a party to
build so I stop here. Keep in mind however that whatever you do
here will greatly affect what happens to us, that is, the rest of
the world.

Best,

Sabri


Weber & the 'Euroslackers'

2003-06-08 Thread Ian Murray
[lord what rot]


[NYTimes]
June 8, 2003
Why America Outpaces Europe (Clue: The God Factor)
By NIALL FERGUSON


OXFORD, England - It was almost a century ago that the German sociologist
Max Weber published his influential essay "The Protestant Ethic and the
Spirit of Capitalism." In it, Weber argued that modern capitalism was
"born from the spirit of Christian asceticism" in its specifically
Protestant form - in other words, there was a link between the
self-denying ethos of the Protestant sects and the behavior patterns
associated with capitalism, above all hard work.

Many scholars have built careers out of criticizing Weber's thesis. Yet
the experience of Western Europe in the past quarter-century offers an
unexpected confirmation of it. To put it bluntly, we are witnessing the
decline and fall of the Protestant work ethic in Europe. This represents
the stunning triumph of secularization in Western Europe - the
simultaneous decline of both Protestantism and its unique work ethic.

Just as Weber's 1904 visit to the United States convinced him that his
thesis was right, anyone visiting New York today would have a similar
experience. For in the pious, industrious United States, the Protestant
work ethic is alive and well. Its death is a peculiarly European
phenomenon - and has grim implications for the future of the European
Union on the eve of its eastward expansion, perhaps most economically
disastrous for the "new" Europe.

Many economists have missed this vindication of Weber because they are
focused on measures of productivity, like output per hour worked. On that
basis, the Western European economies have spent most of the past
half-century spectacularly catching up with the United States.

But what the productivity numbers don't reveal is the dramatic divergence
over two decades between the amount of time Americans work and the amount
of time Western Europeans work. By American standards, Western Europeans
are astonishingly idle.

According to a recent study by the Organization for Economic Cooperation
and Development, the average working American spends 1,976 hours a year on
the job. The average German works just 1,535 - 22 percent less. The Dutch
and Norwegians put in even fewer hours. Even the British do 10 percent
less work than their trans-Atlantic cousins. Between 1979 and 1999, the
average American working year lengthened by 50 hours, or nearly 3 percent.
But the average German working year shrank by 12 percent.

Yet even these figures understate the extent of European idleness, because
a larger proportion of Americans work. Between 1973 and 1998 the
percentage of the American population in employment rose from 41 percent
to 49 percent. But in Germany and France the percentage fell, ending up at
44 and 39 percent. Unemployment rates in most Northern European countries
are also markedly higher than in the United States.

Then there are the strikes. Between 1992 and 2001, the Spanish economy
lost, on average, 271 days per 1,000 employees as a result of strikes. For
Denmark, Italy, Finland, Ireland and France, the figures range between 80
and 120 days, compared with fewer than 50 for the United States.

All this is the real reason that the American economy has surged ahead of
its European competitors in the past two decades. It is not about
efficiency. It is simply that Americans work more. Europeans take longer
holidays and retire earlier; and many more European workers are either
unemployed or on strike.

How to explain this sharp divergence? Why have West Europeans opted for
shorter working days, weeks, months, years and lives? This is where
Weber's thesis comes up trumps: the countries where the least work is done
in Europe turn out to be those that were once predominantly Protestant.
While the overwhelmingly Catholic French and Italians work about 15 to 20
percent fewer hours a year than Americans, the more Protestant Germans and
Dutch and the wholly Protestant Norwegians work 25 to 30 percent less.

What clinches the Weber thesis is that Northern Europe's declines in
working hours coincide almost exactly with steep declines in religious
observance. In the Netherlands, Britain, Germany, Sweden and Denmark, less
than 10 percent of the population now attend church at least once a month,
a dramatic decline since the 1960's. (Only in Catholic Italy and Ireland
do more than a third of the population go to church on a monthly basis.)
In the recent Gallup Millennium Survey of religious attitudes, 49 percent
of Danes, 52 percent of Norwegians and 55 percent of Swedes said God did
not matter to them. In North America, by comparison, 82 percent of
respondents said God was "very important."

So the decline of work in Northern Europe has occurred more or less
simultaneously with the decline of Protestantism. Quod erat demonstrandum
indeed!

Weber's vindication has profound implications for the next year's
enlargement of the European Union, when the Baltic States, Hungary,
Poland, Slovenia and t

another free marekteer looking for handout

2003-06-08 Thread Ian Murray
[yet another iteration on the socialization of risks/costs and the
corporatization of gains]



[NYTimes]
June 9, 2003
The Man Pushing America to Get on the Internet Faster
By MATT RICHTEL


SANTA CLARA, Calif., June 3 - The United States, where the Internet was
invented, now falls behind Japan, Korea and Canada in deploying high-speed
Internet access in homes and businesses. But advocates for quicker
transfer of e-mail, Web site content and music files, take note: Peter K.
Pitsch is on the case.

Mr. Pitsch is a self-described staunch free-market Republican who once
served as chief of staff for the chairman of the Federal Communications
Commission. Today, he is the top lobbyist for the Intel Corporation and a
coalition of the technology companies in their efforts to press the
government for a national policy as crucial to general economic growth -
one that would accelerate the spread of broadband, or high-speed, Internet
access.

Of course, the technology industry has a particular interest in this
issue, aside from wanting to see increased American productivity.

It sees much of its future growth connected to the deployment of
high-speed access, and the entertainment, music and software that will be
able to reach consumers on upgraded networks.

The topic of a national broadband policy will be central to discussions
held at the annual conference and trade show of the National Cable and
Telecommunications Association in Chicago, which ends June 11, with
participants including executives like Bill Gates of Microsoft, Richard D.
Parsons of AOL Time Warner and Mel Karmazin of Viacom.

The industry coalition had a recent success in persuading the F.C.C. to
modify its rules so that telecommunications companies will not be forced
to lease their high-speed access lines to competitors. But it continues to
face a difficult battle to get Congress to grant tax credits to companies
building next-generation Internet access networks.

For telecommunications companies, making the investment in broadband
access is not without risk. The costs for building high-speed networks are
enormous, whether through wires on the ground or through wireless
networks. Moreover, the companies must market the concept to consumers who
are already paying monthly fees for home telephone, cellphone and cable
television service and may not want to pay yet more for high-speed access.
To mitigate the risk, the industry has turned to the government for help,
and Mr. Pitsch has led the charge.

"He is the godfather of telecom policy among technology companies in
Washington," said Bruce P. Mehlman, the assistant secretary for technology
policy in the Commerce Department, and a former lobbyist for Cisco Systems
Inc.

People who know Mr. Pitsch say he is point man in the lobbying push
because of his Washington background, personality and energy. But his
ability to lead can also be credited to Intel's neutral role in this
competitive field. Whereas cable, telephone and wireless companies are
competing against one another to deploy high-speed access, Intel has no
stake in which particular technologies will thrive. Thus it appears to
have more credibility with federal regulators.

But that does not mean broadband growth is less important to Intel's
future. For Intel, more high-speed access means more consumer demand for
fast computers and that means greater demand for the microprocessors that
Intel makes.

"One of the fundamental drivers for faster and faster microprocessors will
be high-quality, affordable broadband," Mr. Pitsch said during a recent
interview at Intel's headquarters in Santa Clara.

The bottom line, he said, is that Intel thinks high-speed Internet users
will make up its future customer base. "The effect on us is indirect. But
its huge," he said.

Today, about one-third of American households with Internet access have
high-speed service - an increase of 50 percent over a year ago, according
to a report issued last month by the Pew Internet and American Life
Project, a nonprofit research group. But the report also found that the
rate of adoption of broadband was unlikely to remain as high as it has
been because many people are content with the slower telephone dial-up
connections to the Internet.

Whether the current rate of adoption is fast enough depends on whom you
ask.

The F.C.C., which is charged by Congress with reporting periodically on
the status of technology adoption, concluded in its most recent report, in
February 2002, that high-speed Internet adoption was on pace. "Over all,
we find that advanced telecommunications is being deployed to all
Americans in a reasonable and timely manner," the report said, adding that
subscriber levels had increased "significantly."

As of the end of 2002, the cable industry had invested some $70 billion in
upgrading its networks to provide advanced digital service, including
high-speed Internet access. And it is expected to invest an additional $10
billion this year, said Robert Sa

Re: outsourcing the State redux

2003-06-08 Thread Ian Murray
- Original Message -
From: "k hanly" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
To: <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Sent: Sunday, June 08, 2003 7:14 PM
Subject: Re: [PEN-L] outsourcing the State redux


> Hmmm. Fighting terrorism by terrorising workers.
> Fighting terrorism by removing legal rights. Fighting terrorism by
> destroying the UN and International Law.
> What's next?
>
> Cheers, Ken Hanly
>



Invading Canada to stop BC bud from destroying young WASP's.


Ian


Re: outsourcing the State redux

2003-06-08 Thread k hanly
Hmmm. Fighting terrorism by terrorising workers.
Fighting terrorism by removing legal rights. Fighting terrorism by
destroying the UN and International Law.
What's next?

Cheers, Ken Hanly


- Original Message -
From: "Ian Murray" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
To: <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Sent: Saturday, June 07, 2003 11:41 PM
Subject: outsourcing the State redux


> [yet more evidence that Conservative is a pretty meaningless label...]
>
>
> Overhaul of Federal Workforce Sought
> By Christopher Lee
> Washington Post Staff Writer
> Sunday, June 8, 2003; Page A01
>
>
> The Bush administration, citing national security concerns, is pressing
> Congress to enact the biggest overhaul of the federal civil service system
> in a quarter-century.
>
> In the name of reshaping the federal bureaucracy to better counter global
> terrorism, administration officials are seeking the authority to rewrite
> long-standing pay and personnel rules governing 746,000 civilian employees
> at the Department of Defense. The powers would be similar to those won by
> the administration last year in a contentious battle over the formation of
> the Department of Homeland Security, which has about 180,000 employees.
>


destructive creation

2003-06-08 Thread Devine, James
Title: destructive creation





after a slow start, the following article is pretty good, except for its constant mis-use of the word "efficiency" to mean "lowest private costs of business" (short-term profit maximization).

June 8, 2003/New York TIMES Magazine
The Sink-or-Swim Economy
By HARRIS COLLINGWOOD


What is it with this economy, anyway? Going strictly by the numbers, the most recent recession has been mild in comparison to previous downturns. Since the economy peaked in March 2001, the major markers of economic health -- industrial output, personal income and wholesale and retail sales -- have all traced smaller declines than in the average post-World War II recession. That's why many economists, among them Jeffrey Frankel, a professor at Harvard University's Kennedy School of Government, are inclined to dismiss today's complaints about economic stress and anxiety. ''People got spoiled by the 90's boom,'' Frankel says. ''They forgot what recessions are like.'' 

But Frankel concedes there's something odd about this latest economic decline. After a short-lived retreat in 2001, gross domestic product after adjustment for inflation actually grew throughout 2002 and managed a 1.9 percent gain in the first quarter of 2003. Yet the economy shed more than 500,000 jobs between January and April. And as Frankel notes dryly, ''Wages are not doing so well, either.'' The latest evidence of wage stagnation: the Labor Department's report last month that the average weekly paycheck, once inflation and seasonal factors are considered, shrank 0.3 percent from March to April of this year. All the contradictory signals have economists wondering what manner of beast stands before them. ''In recent economic history,'' says Robert Hall, an economist at Stanford University's Hoover Institution, ''there's been nothing quite like this continued modest G.D.P. growth combined with continuing declines in employment.'' 

Different economic indicators have pointed in opposite directions before, of course, but something other than the usual short-term statistical noise is at work here. What's weird, and deeply unsettling, about today's economy is that the big picture bears so little resemblance to the small picture, that is, to everyday life. The big picture shows the economy tracing a gentle, rather lazy slope -- a few tenths of a percentage point up or down, nothing too drastic. Closer to ground level, meanwhile, the action is nonstop and frenetic. At any given moment, some people and businesses are enjoying outrageous good fortune. Others are falling under a rain of slings and arrows. 

But when the people making money faster than they can count it are placed, statistically speaking, alongside the people reduced to counting every penny, all that up-and-down activity averages out to something that looks like stability. Economists have a term for the local-level volatility that affects individual firms but doesn't show up in the big-picture statistics. They call it ''idiosyncratic volatility,'' and it is the signature of our economic age. Not to mention the source of much of our anxiety. 

Alan Greenspan, chairman of the Federal Reserve Board, noted our idiosyncratically volatile time in a 2002 speech in which he reviewed the behavior of the U.S. economy over the past two decades. Technological innovation, as well as deregulation and trade liberalization, ''fostered a pronounced expansion of competition and creative destruction,'' he observed. ''The result through the 1990's of all this seeming-heightened instability for individual businesses, somewhat surprisingly, was an apparent reduction in the volatility of output and in the frequency and amplitude of business cycles for the macroeconomy.'' Translated from Fed-speak, that means that for the past 20 years, individual companies have prospered or failed, entire industries have grown up while others have vanished and, when all that frantic sinking and swimming in the economic waters is plotted as a graph of overall output, it looks like a gently rising curve. Meanwhile, the periods of economic expansion keep getting longer, while the recessions get shorter and less severe. 

That's the sign of a robust system, says Michael Mauboussin, who is paid by Credit Suisse First Boston to think big thoughts about markets and financial behavior. ''It takes two essential features to make a system robust,'' he says. ''You need diversity, and you need interaction. That describes the American economy. You have diversity, a lot of local agents doing their own thing based on local information. And these agents interact in the marketplace; at some point, two agents will meet at a price. Then you have a big diversity in outcomes -- some buy, some get bought, some win, some lose -- and that makes for a robust, stable system.'' A few lines of John Ashbery's seem to apply: ''The whole is stable within/Instability . . . /a Ping-Pong ball/Secure on its jet of water.'' 

Recent economic and technol

Interetsting Conference in Turkey

2003-06-08 Thread michael
Confrerence to be held in Ankara on september 6-9, 2003.
Comradely
erdogan

Conference web page: www.erc.metu.edu.tr
KEYNOTE ADDRESSES

Mario Blejer (Bank of England, Former Governor of the Central Bank of
Argentina)
http://www.bankofengland.co.uk/ccbs/

Kevin Hoover (University of California at Davis, USA)
http://www.econ.ucdavis.edu/faculty/kdhoover/

Adrian Pagan (The Australian National University, Australia)
http://econrsss.anu.edu.au/staff/adrian/

Ellen Meiksins Wood (York University, Canada)


*** INVITED LECTURES 

THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF GLOBALISATION

Aijaz Ahmad (York University, Canada)
http://www.yorku.ca/polisci/faculty/ahmad.html

Henry Liu (Liu Investment Group, New York, USA)

David McNally (York University, Canada)
http://www.yorku.ca/polisci/faculty/mcnally.html


RADICAL POLITICAL ECONOMICS

Al Campbell (University of Utah, USA)
http://www.econ.utah.edu/facstaf1.htm

George C. Comninel (York University, Canada)
http://www.yorku.ca/polisci/faculty/comninel.html

Gerard Dumenil (CEPREMAP, France)
http://www.cepremap.ens.fr/~levy/

Korkut Erturk (University of Utah, USA)
http://www.econ.utah.edu/korkut/index.htm

Hannes Lacher (Eastern Mediterranean University)
http://ir.emu.edu.tr/astaff/hlacher.htm

Peter Meiksins (Cleveland State University, USA)
http://www.csuohio.edu/sociology/peter.htm

Alfredo Saad-Filho (SOAS, University of London, UK)
http://www.soas.ac.uk/staff/staffinfo.cfm?contactid=52

INVITED SESSION:
REVISITING MACROECONOMICS IN THE AGE OF FINANCE
Organised by: IDEAs (International Development Economics Associates)

C.P. Chandrasekhar (Jawaharlal Nehru University, India)

Jayati Ghosh (Jawaharlal Nehru University, India)

Prabhat Patnaik (Jawaharlal Nehru University, India)

Erinç Yeldan (Bilkent University, Turkey)
http://www.bilkent.edu.tr/~yeldane/

MACROECONOMICS, GROWTH AND TECHNOLOGY POLICY

Pierre-Richard Agénor (TBC)(Yale University and the World Bank, USA)
http://www1.worldbank.org/wbiep/macro-program/agenor/index_agenor.htm

Alfred Kleinknecht (Technische Universiteit, Delft, The Netherlands)
http://www.flexcom.org/myfiles/cv_kleinknecht.htm

Daniel Malkin (OECD, France)

Branko Milanovic (The World Bank)
http://econ.worldbank.org/staff/2500/

Bart Verspagen (ECIS and Eindhoven University of Technology, The
Netherlands)
http://www.tm.tue.nl/ecis/bart/

MONEY, FINANCE AND BANKING

Pierpaolo Benigno (New York University, USA)
http://homepages.nyu.edu/~pb50/

Philipp Hartmann (European Central Bank)

Monique Jeanblanc (Université d'Evry Val d'Essonne, France)
http://www.maths.univ-evry.fr/pages_perso/jeanblanc/

Graciela L. Kaminsky (George Washington University, USA)
http://home.gwu.edu/%7Egraciela/index.htm

Ike Mathur (Southern Illinois University, USA)
http://www.cba.siu.edu/faculty/profiles/mathuri.htm

Paolo Pesenti (Federal Reserve Bank of New York, USA)
http://www.ny.frb.org/rmaghome/economist/pesenti/contact.html

Liliana Rojas-Suarez
http://www.cgdev.org/fellows/rojas-suarez.html

ECONOMETRICS

Karim Abadir (TBC, York University, UK)
http://www-users.york.ac.uk/~kma4/abadir.htm

Badi H. Baltagi (Texas A&M University, USA)
http://econweb.tamu.edu/baltagi/

Anindya Banerjee (European University Institute, Florence, Italy)
http://www.iue.it/Personal/Banerjee/Welcome.html

Luc Bauwens (Université Catholique de Louvain, CORE, Belgium)
http://www.core.ucl.ac.be/econometrics/Bauwens/CV/lb.htm

Hans-Martin Krolzig (TBC) (Oxford University, UK)
http://www.economics.ox.ac.uk/research/hendry/krolzig/default.htm

Jan Magnus (Tilburg University, The Netherlands)
http://center.uvt.nl/staff/magnus/

Marius Ooms (Free University Amsterdam, The Netherlands)
http://www.feweb.vu.nl/econometriclinks/ooms/

AGRICULTURAL ECONOMICS

Hartley W. Furtan (University of Saskatchewan, Canada)

http://www.usask.ca/agriculture/agec/people/faculty/furtan.htm

Richard S. Gray (University of Saskatchewan, Canada)

http://www.usask.ca/agriculture/agec/people/faculty/gray.htm


--

Michael Perelman
Economics Department
California State University
michael at ecst.csuchico.edu
Chico, CA 95929
530-898-5321
fax 530-898-5901



revisionism and history

2003-06-08 Thread Ian Murray
[They're getting anxious...]



"The essence of all power is the right to define with authority, and the
major stake of the power struggle is the appropriation or retaining of the
right to define." [Zygmunt Bauman]


===

Powell, Rice Defend U.S. Intelligence on Iraq
By Vicki Allen
Reuters
Sunday, June 8, 2003; 4:01 PM


WASHINGTON (Reuters) -- Top Bush administration officials on Sunday
rejected accusations they exaggerated threats posed by Iraq's weapons,
calling the charges "outrageous" and the results of "revisionist history."

Appearing on morning news programs, Secretary of State Colin Powell and
national security advisor Condoleezza Rice said there was broad consensus
in the intelligence community that Iraq had weapons of mass destruction,
and they believe that intelligence was sound.

"We have no doubt whatsoever that over the last several years, they have
retained such weapons or retained the capability to start up production of
such weapons," Powell said on CNN's Late Edition.

"We also know they are masters of deceit and masters of hiding these
things, and so a little patience is required," he said. Powell called it
"really somewhat outrageous on the part of some critics to say that this
was all bogus."

Concerns have been rising worldwide that the arsenal of weapons of mass
destruction described by the administration has not been found in the
weeks after the war that toppled former Iraqi President Saddam Hussein.

Critics questioning whether the administration used faulty or manipulated
intelligence as grounds for war point to a Defense Intelligence Agency
report from September of 2002, disclosed last week, that said the agency
did not have enough "reliable information" on Iraq's alleged chemical
weapons.

Powell and Rice said that quote was taken out of context, giving a
misleading impression of the report.

A line "talked about not having the evidence of current facilities and
current stockpiling. The very next sentence says that it had information
that (chemical) weapons had been dispersed to units," Powell said on Fox
News Sunday.

Rice, on ABC's This Week, said a national intelligence estimate in
October -- which the DIA signed -- said Iraq likely had as much as 100 to
500 metric tons of chemical agents.

"There's a very large body of evidence here that connects together to
paint a picture of a very dangerous regime with very dangerous weapons
that had deceived the world for 12 years, that had allowed international
sanctions to stay on, rather than come clean about what it was doing," she
said.

Rice several times said critics were using "revisionist history" to
question whether Iraq had weapons that threatened the United States.

Powell also defended U.S. charges that two mobile laboratories were for
biological agents, saying on Fox that "my best justification" for that was
"if they were not biological labs, I can assure you, the very next
morning, the Iraqis would have pulled them out and presented them" to U.N.
weapons inspectors and the international press corps.


Re: Fwd: Waiting for Godot

2003-06-08 Thread michael
I think that Sabri's note suggests that we don't have a great difference
among us.  I myself have offered policy suggestions to Democratic
politicians -- but never with any success.  Even so, these politicians
could never hope to accomplish anything without some sort of militants
acting behind them.

I don't fully understand what happened in Italy.  Up until the time of
the Red Brigades, I thought that the left was in control in Italy,
although the Christian Democrats were in charge of the government.  I
was under the impression that the CIA had a hand in the Red Brigades,
but such things can never be proven.

At the same time, Clinton clearly demonstrated the hollowness of the
minimalist strategy, significantly helping to move the center of gravity
to the right.  In this sense, he helped to make the current Repug
strategy seem respectable.  Within the context of current electoral
politics, Charles Grassley seems like a flaming radical.

--

Michael Perelman
Economics Department
California State University
michael at ecst.csuchico.edu
Chico, CA 95929
530-898-5321
fax 530-898-5901


Re: Fwd: Waiting for Godot

2003-06-08 Thread Sabri Oncu
Aldo in his first mail:

> In a year’s time, a serious Democratic candidate may
> be facing down the lonely ranger. We don’t know who
> the candidate will be. But he’ll need good economic
> programs in a hurry. Someone has to prepare the ammunition,
> and keep it dry. FDR had such a team of academic advisors.
> We have no FDR (yet – but don’t worry, the opportunity makes
> the man) but we need the programs now. They cannot be
> improvised.

While I agree with Jim in that neither him nor Ian nor Michael
said anything about "mounting tide of revolution,"  I agree also
with Aldo in that if and when such a Democratic candidate emerges
he or she will need ammunition. However, I don't think most of
the economists on this list are fit for providing him/her with
that ammunition. It is highly unlikely that they will make it to
the next FDR's team of academic advisors. Put differently, the
likelihood of them making it to the next FDR's team of academic
advisors is no larger than the likelihood of Louis Proyect making
it to his/her team of speech writers.

I guess this is why I like the economists on this list better.

Best,

Sabri



Re: Fwd: Waiting for Godot

2003-06-08 Thread Devine, James
Title: RE: [PEN-L] Fwd: Waiting for Godot





>Jim, Ian, and Michael in different ways and words all refer to the 
mounting tide of revolution as a necessary precondition for success. Till 
then - it seems - it's waiting for Godot. <


I never said anything about "mounting tide of revolution," nor did Michael or Ian. It's very simple: without mass protest (notice the word isn't "revolution"), the establishment doesn't provide for the masses. That is, _reform_ isn't possible unless there's some counterpressure to the power of the moneyed interests. It isn't possible unless there's some kind of left mass movement to provide a backbone for the Democrats. Back in the late 1960s/early 1970s, the anti-war movement pushed even Nixon to the left, as Michael pointed out. 

BTW, I think that the mass movement of the right (Rush Limbaugh, the militias, Timothy McVeigh, etc.) provided a similar backbone for the Bushists. In some ways you're right that Bushist ideology is a lot like fascism, though I don't see that f-word as very useful. First, Bushism also _differs_ from classic fascism in important ways (and from Naziism, which was qualitatively different from Mussolini or Franco-fascism). Second, it just encourages hysteria.

Jim